The Description of Wales

Transcribed from the 1912 J. M. Dent edition by David Price, email

ccx074@.org

THE DESCRIPTION OF WALES

by

Gerald of Wales

FIRST PREFACE

TO STEPHEN LANGTON, ARCHBISHOP OF CANTERBURY

I, WHO, at the expense of three years’ labour, arranged, a short time

ago, in three parts, the Topography of Ireland, with a description of its

natural curiosities, and who afterwards, by two years’ study, completed

in two parts the Vaticinal History of its Conquest; and who, by

publishing the Itinerary of the Holy Man (Baldwin) through Cambria,

prevented his laborious mission from perishing in obscurity, do now

propose, in the present little work, to give some account of this my

native country, and to describe the genius of its inhabitants, so

entirely distinct from that of other nations. And this production of my

industry I have determined to dedicate to you, illustrious Stephen,

archbishop of Canterbury, as I before ascribed to you my Itinerary;

considering you as a man no less distinguished by your piety, than

conspicuous for your learning; though so humble an offering may possibly

be unworthy the acceptance of a personage who, from his eminence,

deserves to be presented with works of the greatest merit.

Some, indeed, object to this my undertaking, and, apparently from motives

of affection, compare me to a painter, who, rich in colours, and like

another Zeuxis, eminent in his art, is endeavouring with all his skill

and industry to give celebrity to a cottage, or to some other

contemptible object, whilst the world is anxiously expecting from his

hand a temple or a palace. Thus they wonder that I, amidst the many

great and striking subjects which the world presents, should choose to

describe and to adorn, with all the graces of composition, such remote

corners of the earth as Ireland and Wales.

Others again, reproaching me with greater severity, say, that the gifts

which have been bestowed upon me from above, ought not to be wasted upon

these insignificant objects, nor lavished in a vain display of learning

on the commendation of princes, who, from their ignorance and want of

liberality, have neither taste to appreciate, nor hearts to remunerate

literary excellence. And they further add, that every faculty which

emanates from the Deity, ought rather to be applied to the illustration

of celestial objects, and to the exultation of his glory, from whose

abundance all our talents have been received; every faculty (say they)

ought to be employed in praising him from whom, as from a perennial

source, every perfect gift is derived, and from whose bounty everything

which is offered with sincerity obtains an ample reward. But since

excellent histories of other countries have been composed and published

by writers of eminence, I have been induced, by the love I bear to my

country and to posterity, to believe that I should perform neither an

useless nor an unacceptable service, were I to unfold the hidden merits

of my native land; to rescue from obscurity those glorious actions which

have been hitherto imperfectly described, and to bring into repute, by my

method of treating it, a subject till now regarded as contemptible.

What indeed could my feeble and unexercised efforts add to the histories

of the destruction of Troy, Thebes, or Athens, or to the conquest of the

shores of Latium? Besides, to do what has been already done, is, in

fact, to be doing nothing; I have, therefore, thought it more eligible to

apply my industry to the arrangement of the history of my native country,

hitherto almost wholly overlooked by strangers; but interesting to my

relations and countrymen; and from these small beginnings to aspire by

degrees to works of a nobler cast. From these inconsiderable attempts,

some idea may be formed with what success, should Fortune afford an

opportunity, I am likely to treat matters of greater importance. For

although some things should be made our principal objects, whilst others

ought not to be wholly neglected, I may surely be allowed to exercise the

powers of my youth, as yet untaught and unexperienced, in pursuits of

this latter nature, lest by habit I should feel a pleasure in indolence

and in sloth, the parent of vice.

I have therefore employed these studies as a kind of introduction to the

glorious treasures of that most excellent of the sciences, which alone

deserves the name of science; which alone can render us wise to rule and

to instruct mankind; which alone the other sciences follow, as attendants

do their queen. Laying therefore in my youth the foundations of so noble

a structure, it is my intention, if God will assist me and prolong my

life, to reserve my maturer years for composing a treatise upon so

perfect, so sacred a subject: for according to the poet,

“Ardua quippe fides robustos exigit annos;”

“The important concerns of faith require a mind in its full vigour;”

I may be permitted to indulge myself for a short time in other pursuits;

but in this I should wish not only to continue, but to die.

But before I enter on this important subject, I demand a short interval,

to enable me to lay before the public my Treatise on the Instruction of a

Prince, which has been so frequently promised, as well as the Description

of Wales, which is now before me, and the Topography of Britain.

Of all the British writers, Gildas alone appears to me (as often as the

course of my subject leads me to consult him) worthy of imitation; for by

committing to paper the things which he himself saw and knew, and by

declaring rather than describing the desolation of his country, he has

compiled a history more remarkable for its truth than for its elegance.

Giraldus therefore follows Gildas, whom he wishes he could copy in his

life and manners; becoming an imitator of his wisdom rather than of his

eloquence—of his mind rather than of his writings—of his zeal rather than

of his style—of his life rather than of his language.

SECOND PREFACE

TO THE SAME

WHEN, amidst various literary pursuits, I first applied my mind to the

compilation of history, I determined, lest I should appear ungrateful to

my native land, to describe, to the best of my abilities, my own country

and its adjoining regions; and afterwards, under God’s guidance, to

proceed to a description of more distant territories. But since some

leading men (whom we have both seen and known) show so great a contempt

for literature, that they immediately shut up within their book-cases the

excellent works with which they are presented, and thus doom them, as it

were, to a perpetual imprisonment; I entreat you, illustrious Prelate, to

prevent the present little work, which will shortly be delivered to you,

from perishing in obscurity. And because this, as well as my former

productions, though of no transcendent merit, may hereafter prove to many

a source of entertainment and instruction, I entreat you generously to

order it to be made public, by which it will acquire reputation. And I

shall consider myself sufficiently rewarded for my trouble, if,

withdrawing for a while from your religious and secular occupations, you

would kindly condescend to peruse this book, or, at least, give it an

attentive hearing; for in times like these, when no one remunerates

literary productions, I neither desire nor expect any other recompense.

Not that it would appear in any way inconsistent, however there exists

among men of rank a kind of conspiracy against authors, if a prelate so

eminently conspicuous for his virtues, for his abilities, both natural

and acquired, for irreproachable morals, and for munificence, should

distinguish himself likewise by becoming the generous and sole patron of

literature. To comprise your merits in a few words, the lines of Martial

addressed to Trajan, whilst serving under Dioclesian, may be deservedly

applied to you:

“Laudari debes quoniam sub principe duro,

Temporibusque malis, ausus es esse bonus.”

And those also of Virgil to Mecænas, which extol the humanity of that

great man:

“Omnia cum possis tanto tam clarus amico,

Te sensit nemo posse nocere tamen.”

Many indeed remonstrate against my proceedings, and those particularly

who call themselves my friends insist that, in consequence of my violent

attachment to study, I pay no attention to the concerns of the world, or

to the interests of my family; and that, on this account, I shall

experience a delay in my promotion to worldly dignities; that the

influence of authors, both poets and historians, has long since ceased;

that the respect paid to literature vanished with literary princes; and

that in these degenerate days very different paths lead to honours and

opulence. I allow all this, I readily allow it, and acquiesce in the

truth. For the unprincipled and covetous attach themselves to the court,

the churchmen to their books, and the ambitious to the public offices,

but as every man is under the influence of some darling passion, so the

love of letters and the study of eloquence have from my infancy had for

me peculiar charms of attraction. Impelled by this thirst for knowledge,

I have carried my researches into the mysterious works of nature farther

than the generality of my contemporaries, and for the benefit of

posterity have rescued from oblivion the remarkable events of my own

times. But this object was not to be secured without an indefatigable,

though at the same time an agreeable, exertion; for an accurate

investigation of every particular is attended with much difficulty. It

is difficult to produce an orderly account of the investigation and

discovery of truth; it is difficult to preserve from the beginning to the

end a connected relation unbroken by irrelevant matter; and it is

difficult to render the narration no less elegant in the diction, than

instructive in its matter, for in prosecuting the series of events, the

choice of happy expressions is equally perplexing, as the search after

them painful. Whatever is written requires the most intense thought, and

every expression should be carefully polished before it be submitted to

the public eye; for, by exposing itself to the examination of the present

and of future ages, it must necessarily undergo the criticism not only of

the acute, but also of the dissatisfied, reader. Words merely uttered

are soon forgotten, and the admiration or disgust which they occasioned

is no more; but writings once published are never lost, and remain as

lasting memorials either of the glory or of the disgrace of the author.

Hence the observation of Seneca, that the malicious attention of the

envious reader dwells with no less satisfaction on a faulty than on an

elegant expression, and is as anxious to discover what it may ridicule,

as what it may commend; as the poet also observes:

“Discit enim citius meminitque libentius illud

Quod quis deridet, quam quod probat et veneratur.”

Among the pursuits, therefore, most worthy of commendation, this holds by

no means the lowest rank; for history, as the moral philosopher declares,

“is the record of antiquity, the testimony of ages, the light of truth,

the soul of memory, the mistress of conduct, and the herald of ancient

times.”

This study is the more delightful, as it is more honourable to produce

works worthy of being quoted than to quote the works of others; as it is

more desirable to be the author of compositions which deserve to be

admired than to be esteemed a good judge of the writings of other men; as

it is more meritorious to be the just object of other men’s commendations

than to be considered an adept in pointing out the merits of others. On

these pleasing reflections I feed and regale myself; for I would rather

resemble Jerome than Croesus, and I prefer to riches themselves the man

who is capable of despising them. With these gratifying ideas I rest

contented and delighted, valuing moderation more than intemperance, and

an honourable sufficiency more than superfluity; for intemperance and

superfluity produce their own destruction, but their opposite virtues

never perish; the former vanish, but the latter, like eternity, remain

for ever; in short, I prefer praise to lucre, and reputation to riches.

CONTENTS

BOOK I

CHAPTER PAGE

I. Length and Breadth of Wales, the Nature of its 155

Soil, and the Three Remaining Tribes of

Britons

II. Of the Ancient Division of Wales into Three 156

Parts

III. Genealogy of the Princes of Wales 157

IV. Cantreds—Royal Palaces—Cathedrals 158

V. Mountains and Rivers of Wales 159

VI. Concerning the Pleasantness and Fertility of 163

Wales

VII. Origin of the Names Cambria and Wales 164

VIII. Concerning the Nature, Manners, and Dress, the 166

Boldness, Agility, and Courage, of this Nation

IX. Their Sober Supper and Frugality 168

X. Their Hospitality and Liberality 170

XI. Concerning their cutting of their Hair, their 171

Care of their Teeth, and Shaving of their

Beard

XII. Their Quickness and Sharpness of Understanding 174

XIII. Their Symphonies and Songs 175

XIV. Their Wit and Pleasantry 177

XV. Their Boldness and Confidence in Speaking 183

XVI. Concerning the Soothsayers of this Nation, and 179

Persons as it were possessed

XVII. Their Love of High Birth and Ancient Genealogy 183

XVIII. Their Ancient Faith, Love of Christianity and 185

Devotion

BOOK II

I. Concerning the Inconstancy and Instability of 189

this Nation, and their Want of Reverence for

Good Faith and Oaths

II. Their living by Plunder, and Disregard of the 190

Bonds of Peace and Friendship

III. Their Deficiency in Battle, and Base and 192

Dishonourable Flight

IV. Their Ambitious Seizure of Lands, and 193

Dissensions among Brothers

V. Their great Exaction, and Want of Moderation 194

VI. Concerning the Crime of Incest, and the Abuse 195

of Churches by Succession and Participation

VII. Their Sins, and the consequent Loss of Britain 196

and of Troy

VIII. In what Manner this Nation is to be overcome 198

IX. In what Manner Wales, when conquered, should 202

be governed

X. In what Manner this Nation may resist and 204

revolt

BOOK I

CHAPTER I

OF THE LENGTH AND BREADTH OF WALES, THE NATURE OF ITS SOIL, AND THE THREE

REMAINING TRIBES OF BRITONS

CAMBRIA, which, by a corrupt and common term, though less proper, is in

modern times called Wales, is about two hundred miles long and one

hundred broad. The length from Port Gordber {155a} in Anglesey to Port

Eskewin {155b} in Monmouthshire is eight days’ journey in extent; the

breadth from Porth Mawr, {155c} or the great Port of St. David’s, to

Ryd-helic, {155d} which in Latin means _Vadum salicis_, or the Ford of

the Willow, and in English is called Willow-forde, is four days’ journey.

It is a country very strongly defended by high mountains, deep valleys,

extensive woods, rivers, and marshes; insomuch that from the time the

Saxons took possession of the island the remnants of the Britons,

retiring into these regions, could never be entirely subdued either by

the English or by the Normans. Those who inhabited the southern angle of

the island, which took its name from the chieftain Corinæus, {156} made

less resistance, as their country was more defenceless. The third

division of the Britons, who obtained a part of Britany in Gaul, were

transported thither, not after the defeat of their nation, but long

before, by king Maximus, and, in consequence of the hard and continued

warfare which they underwent with him, were rewarded by the royal

munificence with those districts in France.

CHAPTER II

OF THE ANCIENT DIVISION OF WALES INTO THREE PARTS

WALES was in ancient times divided into three parts nearly equal,

consideration having been paid, in this division, more to the value than

to the just quantity or proportion of territory. They were Venedotia,

now called North Wales; Demetia, or South Wales, which in British is

called Deheubarth, that is, the southern part; and Powys, the middle or

eastern district. Roderic the Great, or Rhodri Mawr, who was king over

all Wales, was the cause of this division. He had three sons, Mervin,

Anarawt, and Cadell, amongst whom he partitioned the whole principality.

North Wales fell to the lot of Mervin; Powys to Anarawt; and Cadell

received the portion of South Wales, together with the general good

wishes of his brothers and the people; for although this district greatly

exceeded the others in quantity, it was the least desirable from the

number of noble chiefs, or Uchelwyr, {157a} men of a superior rank, who

inhabited it, and were often rebellious to their lords, and impatient of

control. But Cadell, on the death of his brothers, obtained the entire

dominion of Wales, {157b} as did his successors till the time of Tewdwr,

whose descendants, Rhys, son of Tewdwr, Gruflydd, son of Rhys, and Rhys,

son of Gruffydd, the ruling prince in our time, enjoyed only (like the

father) the sovereignty over South Wales.

CHAPTER III

GENEALOGY OF THE PRINCES OF WALES

THE following is the generation of princes of South Wales: Rhys, son of

Gruffydd; Gruffydd, son of Rhys; Rhys, son of Tewdwr; Tewdwr, son of

Eineon; Eineon, son of Owen; Owen, son of Howel Dda, or Howel the Good;

Howel, son of Cadell, son of Roderic the Great. Thus the princes of

South Wales derived their origin from Cadell, son of Roderic the Great.

The princes of North Wales descended from Mervin in this manner:

Llewelyn, son of Iorwerth; Iorwerth, son of Owen; Owen, son of Gruffydd;

Gruffydd, son of Conan; Conan, son of Iago; Iago, son of Edoual; Edoual,

son of Meyric; Meyric, son of Anarawt (Anandhrec); Anarawt, son of

Mervin, son of Roderic the Great. Anarawt leaving no issue, the princes

of Powys have their own particular descent.

It is worthy of remark, that the Welsh bards and singers, or reciters,

have the genealogies of the aforesaid princes, written in the Welsh

language, in their ancient and authentic books; and also retain them in

their memory from Roderic the Great to B.M.; {158a} and from thence to

Sylvius, Ascanius, and Æneas; and from the latter produce the

genealogical series in a lineal descent, even to Adam.

But as an account of such long and remote genealogies may appear to many

persons trifling rather than historical, we have purposely omitted them

in our compendium.

CHAPTER IV

HOW MANY CANTREDS, ROYAL PALACES, AND CATHEDRALS THERE ARE IN WALES

SOUTH WALES contains twenty-nine cantreds; North Wales, twelve; Powys,

six: many of which are at this time in the possession of the English and

Franks. For the country now called Shropshire formerly belonged to

Powys, and the place where the castle of Shrewsbury stands bore the name

of Pengwern, or the head of the Alder Grove. There were three royal

seats in South Wales: Dinevor, in South Wales, removed from Caerleon;

Aberfraw, {158b} in North Wales; and Pengwern, in Powys.

Wales contains in all fifty-four cantreds. The word _Cantref_ is derived

from _Cant_, a hundred, and _Tref_, a village; and means in the British

and Irish languages such a portion of land as contains a hundred vills.

There are four cathedral churches in Wales: St. David’s, upon the Irish

sea, David the archbishop being its patron: it was in ancient times the

metropolitan church, and the district only contained twenty-four

cantreds, though at this time only twenty-three; for Ergengl, in English

called Urchenfeld, {159a} is said to have been formerly within the

diocese of St. David’s, and sometimes was placed within that of Landaff.

The see of St. David’s had twenty-five successive archbishops; and from

the time of the removal of the pall into France, to this day, twenty-two

bishops; whose names and series, as well as the cause of the removal of

the archiepiscopal pall, may be seen in our Itinerary. {159b}

In South Wales also is situated the bishopric of Landaff, near the Severn

sea, and near the noble castle of Caerdyf; bishop Teilo being its patron.

It contains five cantreds, and the fourth part of another, namely,

Senghennyd.

In North Wales, between Anglesey and the Eryri mountains, is the see of

Bangor, under the patronage of Daniel, the abbot; it contains about nine

cantreds.

In North Wales also is the poor little cathedral of Llan-Elwy, or St.

Asaph, containing about six cantreds, to which Powys is subject.

CHAPTER V

OF THE TWO MOUNTAINS FROM WHICH THE NOBLE RIVERS WHICH DIVIDE WALES

SPRING

WALES is divided and distinguished by noble rivers, which derive their

source from two ranges of mountains, the Ellennith, in South Wales, which

the English call Moruge, as being the heads of moors, or bogs; and Eryri,

in North Wales, which they call Snowdon, or mountains of snow; the latter

of which are said to be of so great an extent, that if all the herds in

Wales were collected together, they would supply them with pasture for a

considerable time. Upon them are two lakes, one of which has a floating

island; and the other contains fish having only one eye, as we have

related in our Itinerary.

We must also here remark, that at two places in Scotland, one on the

eastern, and the other on the western ocean, the sea-fish called mulvelli

(mullets) have only the right eye.

The noble river Severn takes its rise from the Ellennith mountains, and

flowing by the castles of Shrewsbury and Bridgenorth, through the city of

Worcester, and that of Gloucester, celebrated for its iron manufactories,

falls into the sea a few miles from the latter place, and gives its name

to the Severn Sea. This river was for many years the boundary between

Cambria and Loegria, or Wales and England; it was called in British

Hafren, from the daughter of Locrinus, who was drowned in it by her

step-mother; the aspirate being changed, according to the Latin idiom,

into S, as is usual in words derived from the Greek, it was termed

Sarina, as hal becomes _sal_; hemi, _semi_; hepta, _septem_.

The river Wye rises in the same mountains of Ellennith, and flows by the

castles of Hay and Clifford, through the city of Hereford, by the castles

of Wilton and Goodrich, through the forest of Dean, abounding with iron

and deer, and proceeds to Strigul castle, below which it empties itself

into the sea, and forms in modern times the boundary between England and

Wales. The Usk does not derive its origin from these mountains, but from

those of Cantref Bachan; it flows by the castle of Brecheinoc, or

Aberhodni, that is, the fall of the river Hodni into the Usk (for Aber,

in the British language, signifies every place where two rivers unite

their streams); by the castles of Abergevenni and Usk, through the

ancient city of Legions, and discharges itself into the Severn Sea, not

far from Newport.

The river Remni flows towards the sea from the mountains of Brecheinoc,

having passed the castle and bridge of Remni. From the same range of

mountains springs the Taf, which pursues its course to the episcopal see

of Landaf (to which it gives its name), and falls into the sea below the

castle of Caerdyf. The river Avon rushes impetuously from the mountains

of Glamorgan, between the celebrated Cistercian monasteries of Margan and

Neth; and the river Neth, descending from the mountains of Brecheinoc,

unites itself with the sea, at no great distance from the castle of Neth;

each of these rivers forming a long tract of dangerous quicksands. From

the same mountains of Brecheinoc the river Tawe flows down to Abertawe,

called in English Swainsey. The Lochor joins the sea near the castle of

the same name; and the Wendraeth has its confluence near Cydweli. The

Tywy, another noble river, rises in the Ellennith mountains, and

separating the Cantref Mawr from the Cantref Bachan, passes by the castle

of Llanymddyfri, and the royal palace and castle of Dinevor, strongly

situated in the deep recesses of its woods, by the noble castle of

Caermarddin, where Merlin was found, and from whom the city received its

name, and runs into the sea near the castle of Lhanstephan. The river

Taf rises in the Presseleu mountains, not far from the monastery of

Whitland, and passing by the castle of St. Clare, falls into the sea near

Abercorran and Talacharn. From the same mountains flow the rivers

Cleddeu, encompassing the province of Daugleddeu, and giving it their

name one passes by the castle of Lahaden, and the other by Haverford, to

the sea; and in the British language they bear the name of Daugleddeu, or

two swords.

The noble river Teivi springs from the Ellennith mountains, in the upper

part of the Cantref Mawr and Caerdigan, not far from the pastures and

excellent monastery of Stratflur, forming a boundary between Demetia and

Caerdigan down to the Irish channel; this is the only river in Wales that

produces beavers, an account of which is given in our Itinerary; and also

exceeds every other river in the abundance and delicacy of its salmon.

But as this book may fall into the hands of many persons who will not

meet with the other, I have thought it right here to insert many curious

and particular qualities relating to the nature of these animals, how

they convey their materials from the woods to the river, with what skill

they employ these materials in constructing places of safety in the

middle of the stream, how artfully they defend themselves against the

attack of the hunters on the eastern and how on the western side; the

singularity of their tails, which partake more of the nature of fish than

flesh. For further particulars see the Itinerary. {162a}

From the same mountains issues the Ystuyth, and flowing through the upper

parts of Penwedic, in Cardiganshire, falls into the sea near the castle

of Aberystuyth. From the snowy mountains of Eryri flows the noble river

Devi, {162b} dividing for a great distance North and South Wales; and

from the same mountains also the large river Maw, {162c} forming by its

course the greater and smaller tract of sands called the Traeth Mawr and

the Traeth Bachan. The Dissennith also, and the Arthro, flow through

Merionethshire and the land of Conan. The Conwy, springing from the

northern side of the Eryri mountains, unites its waters with the sea

under the noble castle of Deganwy. The Cloyd rises from another side of

the same mountain, and passes by the castle of Ruthlan to the sea. The

Doverdwy, called by the English Dee, draws its source from the lake of

Penmelesmere, and runs through Chester, leaving the wood of Coleshulle,

Basinwerk, and a rich vein of silver in its neighbourhood, far to the

right, and by the influx of the sea forming a very dangerous quicksand;

thus the Dee makes the northern, and the river Wye the southern boundary

of Wales.

CHAPTER VI

CONCERNING THE PLEASANTNESS AND FERTILITY OF WALES

AS the southern part of Wales near Cardiganshire, but particularly

Pembrokeshire, is much pleasanter, on account of its plains and

sea-coast, so North Wales is better defended by nature, is more

productive of men distinguished for bodily strength, and more fertile in

the nature of its soil; for, as the mountains of Eryri (Snowdon) could

supply pasturage for all the herds of cattle in Wales, if collected

together, so could the Isle of Mona (Anglesey) provide a requisite

quantity of corn for all the inhabitants: on which account there is an

old British proverb, “_Mon mam Cymbry_,” that is, “Mona is the mother of

Wales.” Merionyth, and the land of Conan, is the rudest and least

cultivated region, and the least accessible. The natives of that part of

Wales excel in the use of long lances, as those of Monmouthshire are

distinguished for their management of the bow. It is to be observed,

that the British language is more delicate and richer in North Wales,

that country being less intermixed with foreigners. Many, however,

assert that the language of Cardiganshire, in South Wales, placed as it

were in the middle and heart of Cambria, is the most refined.

The people of Cornwall and the Armoricans speak a language similar to

that of the Britons; and from its origin and near resemblance, it is

intelligible to the Welsh in many instances, and almost in all; and

although less delicate and methodical, yet it approaches, as I judge,

more to the ancient British idiom. As in the southern parts of England,

and particularly in Devonshire, the English language seems less

agreeable, yet it bears more marks of antiquity (the northern parts being

much corrupted by the irruptions of the Danes and Norwegians), and

adheres more strictly to the original language and ancient mode of

speaking; a positive proof of which may be deduced from all the English

works of Bede, Rhabanus, and king Alfred, being written according to this

idiom.

CHAPTER VII

ORIGIN OF THE NAMES CAMBRIA AND WALES

CAMBRIA was so called from Camber, son of Brutus, for Brutus, descending

from the Trojans, by his grandfather, Ascanius, and father, Silvius, led

the remnant of the Trojans, who had long been detained in Greece, into

this western isle; and having reigned many years, and given his name to

the country and people, at his death divided the kingdom of Wales between

his three sons. To his eldest son, Locrinus, he gave that part of the

island which lies between the rivers Humber and Severn, and which from

him was called Loegria. To his second son, Albanactus, he gave the lands

beyond the Humber, which took from him the name of Albania. But to his

youngest son, Camber, he bequeathed all that region which lies beyond the

Severn, and is called after him Cambria; hence the country is properly

and truly called Cambria, and its inhabitants Cambrians, or Cambrenses.

Some assert that their name was derived from _Cam_ and _Græco_, that is,

distorted Greek, on account of the affinity of their languages,

contracted by their long residence in Greece; but this conjecture, though

plausible, is not well founded on truth.

The name of Wales was not derived from Wallo, a general, or Wandolena,

the queen, as the fabulous history of Geoffrey Arthurius {165a} falsely

maintains, because neither of these personages are to be found amongst

the Welsh; but it arose from a barbarian appellation. The Saxons, when

they seized upon Britain, called this nation, as they did all foreigners,

Wallenses; and thus the barbarous name remains to the people and their

country. {165b}

Having discoursed upon the quality and quantity of the land, the

genealogies of the princes, the sources of the rivers, and the derivation

of the names of this country, we shall now consider the nature and

character of the nation.

CHAPTER VIII

CONCERNING THE NATURE, MANNERS, AND DRESS, THE BOLDNESS, AGILITY, AND

COURAGE, OF THIS NATION

THIS people is light and active, hardy rather than strong, and entirely

bred up to the use of arms; for not only the nobles, but all the people

are trained to war, and when the trumpet sounds the alarm, the husbandman

rushes as eagerly from his plough as the courtier from his court; for

here it is not found that, as in other places,

“Agricolis labor actus in orbem,”

returns; for in the months of March and April only the soil is once

ploughed for oats, and again in the summer a third time, and in winter

for wheat. Almost all the people live upon the produce of their herds,

with oats, milk, cheese, and butter; eating flesh in larger proportions

than bread. They pay no attention to commerce, shipping, or

manufactures, and suffer no interruption but by martial exercises. They

anxiously study the defence of their country and their liberty; for these

they fight, for these they undergo hardships, and for these willingly

sacrifice their lives; they esteem it a disgrace to die in bed, an honour

to die in the field of battle; using the poet’s expressions,—

“Procul hinc avertite pacem,

Nobilitas cum pace perit.”

Nor is it wonderful if it degenerates, for the ancestors of these men,

the Æneadæ, rushed to arms in the cause of liberty. It is remarkable

that this people, though unarmed, dares attack an armed foe; the infantry

defy the cavalry, and by their activity and courage generally prove

victors. They resemble in disposition and situation those conquerors

whom the poet Lucan mentions:

— —“Populi quos despicit Arctos,

Felices errore suo, quos ille timorum

Maximus haud urget leti metus, inde ruendi

In ferrum, mens prona viris, amimæque capaces,

Mortis et ignavum redituræ parsere vitæ.”

They make use of light arms, which do not impede their agility, small

coats of mail, bundles of arrows, and long lances, helmets and shields,

and more rarely greaves plated with iron. The higher class go to battle

mounted on swift and generous steeds, which their country produces; but

the greater part of the people fight on foot, on account of the marshy

nature and unevenness of the soil. The horsemen as their situation or

occasion requires, willingly serve as infantry, in attacking or

retreating; and they either walk bare-footed, or make use of high shoes,

roughly constructed with untanned leather. In time of peace, the young

men, by penetrating the deep recesses of the woods, and climbing the tops

of mountains, learn by practice to endure fatigue through day and night;

and as they meditate on war during peace, they acquire the art of

fighting by accustoming themselves to the use of the lance, and by

inuring themselves to hard exercise.

In our time, king Henry II., in reply to the inquiries of Emanuel,

emperor of Constantinople, concerning the situation, nature, and striking

peculiarities of the British island, among other remarkable circumstances

mentioned the following: “That in a certain part of the island there was

a people, called Welsh, so bold and ferocious that, when unarmed, they

did not fear to encounter an armed force; being ready to shed their blood

in defence of their country, and to sacrifice their lives for renown;

which is the more surprising, as the beasts of the field over the whole

face of the island became gentle, but these desperate men could not be

tamed. The wild animals, and particularly the stags and hinds, are so

abundant, owing to the little molestation they receive, that in our time,

in the northern parts of the island towards the Peak, {168} when pursued

by the hounds and hunters, they contributed, by their numbers, to their

own destruction.”

CHAPTER IX

OF THEIR SOBER SUPPER AND FRUGALITY

NOT addicted to gluttony or drunkenness, this people who incur no expense

in food or dress, and whose minds are always bent upon the defence of

their country, and on the means of plunder, are wholly employed in the

care of their horses and furniture. Accustomed to fast from morning till

evening, and trusting to the care of Providence, they dedicate the whole

day to business, and in the evening partake of a moderate meal; and even

if they have none, or only a very scanty one, they patiently wait till

the next evening; and, neither deterred by cold nor hunger, they employ

the dark and stormy nights in watching the hostile motions of their

enemies.

CHAPTER X

OF THEIR HOSPITALITY AND LIBERALITY

NO one of this nation ever begs, for the houses of all are common to all;

and they consider liberality and hospitality amongst the first virtues.

So much does hospitality here rejoice in communication, that it is

neither offered nor requested by travellers, who, on entering any house,

only deliver up their arms. When water is offered to them, if they

suffer their feet to be washed, they are received as guests; for the

offer of water to wash the feet is with this nation an hospitable

invitation. But if they refuse the proffered service, they only wish for

morning refreshment, not lodging. The young men move about in troops and

families under the direction of a chosen leader. Attached only to arms

and ease, and ever ready to stand forth in defence of their country, they

have free admittance into every house as if it were their own.

Those who arrive in the morning are entertained till evening with the

conversation of young women, and the music of the harp; for each house

has its young women and harps allotted to this purpose. Two

circumstances here deserve notice: that as no nation labours more under

the vice of jealousy than the Irish, so none is more free from it than

the Welsh: and in each family the art of playing on the harp is held

preferable to any other learning. In the evening, when no more guests

are expected, the meal is prepared according to the number and dignity of

the persons assembled, and according to the wealth of the family who

entertains. The kitchen does not supply many dishes, nor high-seasoned

incitements to eating. The house is not furnished with tables, cloths,

or napkins. They study nature more than splendour, for which reason, the

guests being seated in threes, instead of couples as elsewhere, {169a}

they place the dishes before them all at once upon rushes and fresh

grass, in large platters or trenchers. They also make use of a thin and

broad cake of bread, baked every day, such as in old writings was called

_lagana_; {169b} and they sometimes add chopped meat, with broth. Such a

repast was formerly used by the noble youth, from whom this nation boasts

its descent, and whose manners it still partly imitates, according to the

word of the poet:

“Heu! mensas consumimus, inquit Iulus.”

While the family is engaged in waiting on the guests, the host and

hostess stand up, paying unremitting attention to everything, and take no

food till all the company are satisfied; that in case of any deficiency,

it may fall upon them. A bed made of rushes, and covered with a coarse

kind of cloth manufactured in the country, called _brychan_, {170} is

then placed along the side of the room, and they all in common lie down

to sleep; nor is their dress at night different from that by day, for at

all seasons they defend themselves from the cold only by a thin cloak and

tunic. The fire continues to burn by night as well as by day, at their

feet, and they receive much comfort from the natural heat of the persons

lying near them; but when the under side begins to be tired with the

hardness of the bed, or the upper one to suffer from cold, they

immediately leap up, and go to the fire, which soon relieves them from

both inconveniences; and then returning to their couch, they expose

alternately their sides to the cold, and to the hardness of the bed.

CHAPTER XI

CONCERNING THEIR CUTTING OF THEIR HAIR, THEIR CARE OF THEIR TEETH, AND

SHAVING OF THEIR BEARD

THE men and women cut their hair close round to the ears and eyes. The

women, after the manner of the Parthians, cover their heads with a large

white veil, folded together in the form of a crown.

Both sexes exceed any other nation in attention to their teeth, which

they render like ivory, by constantly rubbing them with green hazel and

wiping with a woollen cloth. For their better preservation, they abstain

from hot meats, and eat only such as are cold, warm, or temperate. The

men shave all their beard except the moustaches (_gernoboda_). This

custom is not recent, but was observed in ancient and remote ages, as we

find in the works of Julius Cæsar, who says, {171} “The Britons shave

every part of their body except their head and upper lip;” and to render

themselves more active, and avoid the fate of Absalon in their excursions

through the woods, they are accustomed to cut even the hair from their

heads; so that this nation more than any other shaves off all pilosity.

Julius also adds, that the Britons, previous to an engagement, anointed

their faces with a nitrous ointment, which gave them so ghastly and

shining an appearance, that the enemy could scarcely bear to look at

them, particularly if the rays of the sun were reflected on them.

CHAPTER XII

OF THEIR QUICKNESS AND SHARPNESS OF UNDERSTANDING

THESE people being of a sharp and acute intellect, and gifted with a rich

and powerful understanding, excel in whatever studies they pursue, and

are more quick and cunning than the other inhabitants of a western clime.

Their musical instruments charm and delight the ear with their sweetness,

are borne along by such celerity and delicacy of modulation, producing

such a consonance from the rapidity of seemingly discordant touches, that

I shall briefly repeat what is set forth in our Irish Topography on the

subject of the musical instruments of the three nations. It is

astonishing that in so complex and rapid a movement of the fingers, the

musical proportions can be preserved, and that throughout the difficult

modulations on their various instruments, the harmony is completed with

such a sweet velocity, so unequal an equality, so discordant a concord,

as if the chords sounded together fourths or fifths. They always begin

from B flat, and return to the same, that the whole may be completed

under the sweetness of a pleasing sound. They enter into a movement, and

conclude it in so delicate a manner, and play the little notes so

sportively under the blunter sounds of the base strings, enlivening with

wanton levity, or communicating a deeper internal sensation of pleasure,

so that the perfection of their art appears in the concealment of it:

“Si lateat, prosit;

— — ferat ars deprensa pudorem.”

“Art profits when concealed,

Disgraces when revealed.”

From this cause, those very strains which afford deep and unspeakable

mental delight to those who have skilfully penetrated into the mysteries

of the art, fatigue rather than gratify the ears of others, who seeing,

do not perceive, and hearing, do not understand; and by whom the finest

music is esteemed no better than a confused and disorderly noise, and

will be heard with unwillingness and disgust.

They make use of three instruments, the harp, the pipe, and the crwth or

crowd (_chorus_). {172}

They omit no part of natural rhetoric in the management of civil actions,

in quickness of invention, disposition, refutation, and confirmation. In

their rhymed songs and set speeches they are so subtle and ingenious,

that they produce, in their native tongue, ornaments of wonderful and

exquisite invention both in the words and sentences. Hence arise those

poets whom they call Bards, of whom you will find many in this nation,

endowed with the above faculty, according to the poet’s observation:

“Plurima concreti fuderunt carmina Bardi.”

But they make use of alliteration (_anominatione_) in preference to all

other ornaments of rhetoric, and that particular kind which joins by

consonancy the first letters or syllables of words. So much do the

English and Welsh nations employ this ornament of words in all exquisite

composition, that no sentence is esteemed to be elegantly spoken, no

oration to be otherwise than uncouth and unrefined, unless it be fully

polished with the file of this figure. Thus in the British tongue:

“Digawn Duw da i unic.”

“Wrth bob crybwyll rhaïd pwyll parawd.” {173}

And in English,

“God is together gammen and wisedom.”

The same ornament of speech is also frequent in the Latin language.

Virgil says,

“Tales casus Cassandra canebat.”

And again, in his address to Augustus,

“Dum dubitet natura marem, faceretve puellam,

Natus es, o pulcher, pene puella, puer.”

This ornament occurs not in any language we know so frequently as in the

two first; it is, indeed, surprising that the French, in other respects

so ornamented, should be entirely ignorant of this verbal elegance so

much adopted in other languages. Nor can I believe that the English and

Welsh, so different and adverse to each other, could designedly have

agreed in the usage of this figure; but I should rather suppose that it

had grown habitual to both by long custom, as it pleases the ear by a

transition from similar to similar sounds. Cicero, in his book “On

Elocution,” observes of such who know the practice, not the art, “Other

persons when they read good orations or poems, approve of the orators or

poets, not understanding the reason why, being affected, they approve;

because they cannot know in what place, of what nature, nor how that

effect is caused which so highly delights them.”

CHAPTER XIII

OF THEIR SYMPHONIES AND SONGS

IN their musical concerts they do not sing in unison like the inhabitants

of other countries, but in many different parts; so that in a company of

singers, which one very frequently meets with in Wales, you will hear as

many different parts and voices as there are performers, who all at

length unite, with organic melody, in one consonance and the soft

sweetness of B flat. In the northern district of Britain, beyond the

Humber, and on the borders of Yorkshire, the inhabitants make use of the

same kind of symphonious harmony, but with less variety; singing only in

two parts, one murmuring in the base, the other warbling in the acute or

treble. Neither of the two nations has acquired this peculiarity by art,

but by long habit, which has rendered it natural and familiar; and the

practice is now so firmly rooted in them, that it is unusual to hear a

simple and single melody well sung; and, what is still more wonderful,

the children, even from their infancy, sing in the same manner. As the

English in general do not adopt this mode of singing, but only those of

the northern countries, I believe that it was from the Danes and

Norwegians, by whom these parts of the island were more frequently

invaded, and held longer under their dominion, that the natives

contracted their mode of singing as well as speaking.

CHAPTER XIV

THEIR WIT AND PLEASANTRY

THE heads of different families, in order to excite the laughter of their

guests, and gain credit by their sayings, make use of great facetiousness

in their conversation; at one time uttering their jokes in a light, easy

manner, at another time, under the disguise of equivocation, passing the

severest censures. For the sake of explanation I shall here subjoin a

few examples. Tegeingl is the name of a province in North Wales, over

which David, son of Owen, had dominion, and which had once been in the

possession of his brother. The same word also was the name of a certain

woman with whom, it was said, each brother had an intrigue, from which

circumstance arose this term of reproach, “To have Tegeingl, after

Tegeingl had been in possession of his brother.”

At another time, when Rhys, son of Gruffydd, prince of South Wales,

accompanied by a multitude of his people, devoutly entered the church of

St. David’s, previous to an intended journey, the oblations having been

made, and mass solemnised, a young man came to him in the church, and

publicly declared himself to be his son, threw himself at his feet, and

with tears humbly requested that the truth of this assertion might be

ascertained by the trial of the burning iron. Intelligence of this

circumstance being conveyed to his family and his two sons, who had just

gone out of the church, a youth who was present made this remark: “This

is not wonderful; some have brought gold, and others silver, as

offerings; but this man, who had neither, brought what he had, namely,

iron;” thus taunting him with his poverty. On mentioning a certain house

that was strongly built and almost impregnable, one of the company said,

“This house indeed is strong, for if it should contain food it could

never be got at,” thus alluding both to the food and to the house. In

like manner, a person, wishing to hint at the avaricious disposition of

the mistress of a house, said, “I only find fault with our hostess for

putting too little butter to her salt,” whereas the accessory should be

put to the principal; thus, by a subtle transposition of the words,

converting the accessory into the principal, by making it appear to

abound in quantity. Many similar sayings of great men and philosophers

are recorded in the Saturnalia of Macrobius. When Cicero saw his

son-in-law, Lentulus, a man of small stature, with a long sword by his

side: “Who,” says he, “has girded my son-in-law to that sword?” thus

changing the accessary into the principal. The same person, on seeing

the half-length portrait of his brother Quintus Cicero, drawn with very

large features and an immense shield, exclaimed, “Half of my brother is

greater than the whole!” When the sister of Faustus had an intrigue with

a fuller, “Is it strange,” says he, “that my sister has a spot, when she

is connected with a fuller?” When Antiochus showed Hannibal his army,

and the great warlike preparations he had made against the Romans, and

asked him, “Thinkest thou, O Hannibal, that these are sufficient for the

Romans?” Hannibal, ridiculing the unmilitary appearance of the soldiers,

wittily and severely replied, “I certainly think them sufficient for the

Romans, however greedy;” Antiochus asking his opinion about the military

preparations, and Hannibal alluding to them as becoming a prey to the

Romans.

CHAPTER XV

THEIR BOLDNESS AND CONFIDENCE IN SPEAKING

NATURE hath given not only to the highest, but also to the inferior,

classes of the people of this nation, a boldness and confidence in

speaking and answering, even in the presence of their princes and

chieftains. The Romans and Franks had the same faculty; but neither the

English, nor the Saxons and Germans, from whom they are descended, had

it. It is in vain urged, that this defect may arise from the state of

servitude which the English endured; for the Saxons and Germans, who

enjoy their liberty, have the same failing, and derive this natural

coldness of disposition from the frozen region they inhabit; the English

also, although placed in a distant climate, still retain the exterior

fairness of complexion and inward coldness of disposition, as inseparable

from their original and natural character. The Britons, on the contrary,

transplanted from the hot and parched regions of Dardania into these more

temperate districts, as

“Cœlum non animum mutant qui trans mare currunt,”

still retain their brown complexion and that natural warmth of temper

from which their confidence is derived. For three nations, remnants of

the Greeks after the destruction of Troy, fled from Asia into different

parts of Europe, the Romans under Æneas, the Franks under Antenor, and

the Britons under Brutus; and from thence arose that courage, that

nobleness of mind, that ancient dignity, that acuteness of understanding,

and confidence of speech, for which these three nations are so highly

distinguished. But the Britons, from having been detained longer in

Greece than the other two nations, after the destruction of their

country, and having migrated at a later period into the western parts of

Europe, retained in a greater degree the primitive words and phrases of

their native language. You will find amongst them the names Oenus,

Resus, Æneas, Hector, Achilles, Heliodorus, Theodorus, Ajax, Evander,

Uliex, Anianus, Elisa, Guendolena, and many others, bearing marks of

their antiquity. It is also to be observed, that almost all words in the

British language correspond either with the Greek or Latin, as ὑδωζ,

water, is called in British, dwr; ἁλς, salt, in British, halen; ονομα,

eno, a name; πεντε, pump, five; δεκα, deg, ten. The Latins also use the

words frænum, tripos, gladius, lorica; the Britons, froyn (ffrwyn),

trepet (tribedd), cleddyf, and lluric (llurig); unicus is made unic

(unig); canis, can (cwn); and belua, beleu.

CHAPTER XVI

CONCERNING THE SOOTHSAYERS OF THIS NATION, AND PERSONS AS IT WERE

POSSESSED

THERE are certain persons in Cambria, whom you will find nowhere else,

called Awenddyon, {179} or people inspired; when consulted upon any

doubtful event, they roar out violently, are rendered beside themselves,

and become, as it were, possessed by a spirit. They do not deliver the

answer to what is required in a connected manner; but the person who

skilfully observes them, will find, after many preambles, and many

nugatory and incoherent, though ornamented speeches, the desired

explanation conveyed in some turn of a word: they are then roused from

their ecstasy, as from a deep sleep, and, as it were, by violence

compelled to return to their proper senses. After having answered the

questions, they do not recover till violently shaken by other people; nor

can they remember the replies they have given. If consulted a second or

third time upon the same point, they will make use of expressions totally

different; perhaps they speak by the means of fanatic and ignorant

spirits. These gifts are usually conferred upon them in dreams: some

seem to have sweet milk or honey poured on their lips; others fancy that

a written schedule is applied to their mouths and on awaking they

publicly declare that they have received this gift. Such is the saying

of Esdras, “The Lord said unto me, open thy mouth, and I opened my mouth,

and behold a cup full of water, whose colour was like fire; and when I

had drank it, my heart brought forth understanding, and wisdom entered

into my breast.” They invoke, during their prophecies, the true and

living God, and the Holy Trinity, and pray that they may not by their

sins be prevented from finding the truth. These prophets are only found

among the Britons descended from the Trojans. For Calchas and Cassandra,

endowed with the spirit of prophecy, openly foretold, during the siege of

Troy, the destruction of that fine city; on which account the high

priest, Helenus, influenced by the prophetic books of Calchas, and of

others who had long before predicted the ruin of their country, in the

first year went over to the Greeks with the sons of Priam (to whom he was

high priest), and was afterwards rewarded in Greece. Cassandra, daughter

of king Priam, every day foretold the overthrow of the city; but the

pride and presumption of the Trojans prevented them from believing her

word. Even on the very night that the city was betrayed, she clearly

described the treachery and the method of it:

“— tales casus Cassandra canebat,”

as in the same manner, during the existence of the kingdom of the

Britons, both Merlin Caledonius and Ambrosius are said to have foretold

the destruction of their nation, as well as the coming of the Saxons, and

afterwards that of the Normans; and I think a circumstance related by

Aulus Gellius worth inserting in this place. On the day that Caius Cæsar

and Cneius Pompey, during the civil war, fought a pitched battle in

Thessalia, a memorable event occurred in that part of Italy situated

beyond the river Po. A priest named Cornelius, honourable from his rank,

venerable for his religion, and holy in his manners, in an inspired

moment proclaimed, “Cæsar has conquered,” and named the day, the events,

the mutual attack, and the conflicts of the two armies. Whether such

things are exhibited by the spirit, let the reader more particularly

inquire; I do not assert they are the acts of a Pythonic or a diabolic

spirit; for as foreknowledge is the property of God alone, so is it in

his power to confer knowledge of future events. There are differences of

gifts, says the Apostle, but one and the same spirit; whence Peter, in

his second Epistle, writes, “For the prophecy came not in the old time by

the will of man, but men spake as if they were inspired by the Holy

Ghost:” to the same effect did the Chaldeans answer king Nebuchadonazar

on the interpretation of his dream, which he wished to extort from them.

“There is not,” say they, “a man upon earth who can, O king,

satisfactorily answer your question; let no king therefore, however great

or potent, make a similar request to any magician, astrologer, or

Chaldean; for it is a rare thing that the king requireth, and there is

none other that can shew it before the king, except the Gods, whose

dwelling is not with flesh.” On this passage Jerome remarks, “The

diviners and all the learned of this world confess, that the prescience

of future events belongs to God alone; the prophets therefore, who

foretold things to come, spake by the spirit of God. Hence some persons

object, that, if they were under the guidance of the Holy Spirit, they

would sometimes premise, “Thus saith the Lord God,” or make use of some

expression in the prophetic style; and as such a mode of prophesying is

not taken notice of by Merlin, and no mention is made of his sanctity,

devotion, or faith, many think that he spake by a Pythonic spirit. To

which I answer, that the spirit of prophecy was given not only to the

holy, but sometimes to unbelievers and Gentiles, to Baal, to the sibyls,

and even to bad people, as to Caiaphas and Bela. On which occasion

Origen says: “Do not wonder, if he whom ye have mentioned declares that

the Scribes and Pharisees and doctors amongst the Jews prophesied

concerning Christ; for Caiaphas said: “It is expedient for us that one

man die for the people:” but asserts at the same time, that because he

was high priest for that year, he prophesied. Let no man therefore be

lifted up, if he prophesies, if he merits prescience; for prophecies

shall fail, tongues shall cease, knowledge shall vanish away; and now

abideth, faith, hope, and charity: these three; but the greatest of these

is Charity, which never faileth. But these bad men not only prophesied,

but sometimes performed great miracles, which others could not

accomplish. John the Baptist, who was so great a personage, performed no

miracle, as John the Evangelist testifies: “And many came to Jesus and

said, Because John wrought no signs,” etc. Nor do we hear that the

mother of God performed any miracle; we read in the Acts of the Apostles,

that the sons of Sheva cast out devils in the name of Jesus, whom Paul

preached; and in Matthew and Luke we may find these words: “Many shall

say unto me in that day, Lord, Lord, have we not prophesied in thy name?

and in thy name have cast out devils? and in thy name done many wonderful

works? and then I will profess unto them, I never knew you.” And in

another place, John says: “Master, we saw a certain man casting out

devils in thy name, and forbade him, because he followeth not with us.”

But Jesus said: “Forbid him not; no man can do a miracle in my name, and

speak evil of me; for whoever is not against me, is for me.”

Alexander of Macedon, a gentile, traversed the Caspian mountains, and

miraculously confined ten tribes within their promontories, where they

still remain, and will continue until the coming of Elias and Enoch. We

read, indeed, the prophecies of Merlin, but hear nothing either of his

sanctity or his miracles. Some say, that the prophets, when they

prophesied, did not become frantic, as it is affirmed of Merlin

Silvestris, and others possessed, whom we have before mentioned. Some

prophesied by dreams, visions, and enigmatical sayings, as Ezechiel and

Daniel; others by acts and words, as Noah, in the construction of the

ark, alluded to the church; Abraham, in the slaying of his son, to the

passion of Christ; and Moses by his speech, when he said, “A prophet

shall the Lord God raise up to you of your brethren; hear him;” meaning

Christ. Others have prophesied in a more excellent way by the internal

revelation and inspiration of the Holy Spirit, as David did when

persecuted by Saul: “When Saul heard that David had fled to Naioth (which

is a hill in Ramah, and the seat of the prophets), he sent messengers to

take him; and when they saw the company of the prophets prophesying, and

Samuel standing at their head, the Spirit of God came upon the messengers

of Saul, and they also prophesied; and he sent messengers a second and

again a third time, and they also prophesied. And Saul enraged went

thither also; and the Spirit of God was upon him also, and he went on,

and prophesied until he came to Naioth, and he stripped off his royal

vestments, and prophesied with the rest for all that day and all that

night; whilst David and Samuel secretly observed what passed.” Nor is it

wonderful that those persons who suddenly receive the Spirit of God, and

so signal a mark of grace, should for a time seem alienated from their

earthly state of mind.

CHAPTER XVII

THEIR LOVE OF HIGH BIRTH AND ANCIENT GENEALOGY

THE Welsh esteem noble birth and generous descent above all things, {183}

and are, therefore, more desirous of marrying into noble than rich

families. Even the common people retain their genealogy, and can not

only readily recount the names of their grandfathers and

great-grandfathers, but even refer back to the sixth or seventh

generation, or beyond them, in this manner: Rhys, son of Gruffydd, son of

Rhys, son of Tewdwr, son of Eineon, son of Owen, son of Howel, son of

Cadell, son of Roderic Mawr, and so on.

Being particularly attached to family descent, they revenge with

vehemence the injuries which may tend to the disgrace of their blood; and

being naturally of a vindictive and passionate disposition, they are ever

ready to avenge not only recent but ancient affronts; they neither

inhabit towns, villages, nor castles, but lead a solitary life in the

woods, on the borders of which they do not erect sumptuous palaces, nor

lofty stone buildings, but content themselves with small huts made of the

boughs of trees twisted together, constructed with little labour and

expense, and sufficient to endure throughout the year. They have neither

orchards nor gardens, but gladly eat the fruit of both when given to

them. The greater part of their land is laid down to pasturage; little

is cultivated, a very small quantity is ornamented with flowers, and a

still smaller is sown. They seldom yoke less than four oxen to their

ploughs; the driver walks before, but backwards, and when he falls down,

is frequently exposed to danger from the refractory oxen. Instead of

small sickles in mowing, they make use of a moderate-sized piece of iron

formed like a knife, with two pieces of wood fixed loosely and flexibly

to the head, which they think a more expeditious instrument; but since

“Segnius irritant animos demissa per aures,

Quam quæ sunt oculis subjecta fidelibus,”

their mode of using it will be better known by inspection than by any

description. The boats {184} which they employ in fishing or in crossing

the rivers are made of twigs, not oblong nor pointed, but almost round,

or rather triangular, covered both within and without with raw hides.

When a salmon thrown into one of these boats strikes it hard with his

tail, he often oversets it, and endangers both the vessel and its

navigator. The fishermen, according to the custom of the country, in

going to and from the rivers, carry these boats on their shoulders; on

which occasion that famous dealer in fables, Bleddercus, who lived a

little before our time, thus mysteriously said: “There is amongst us a

people who, when they go out in search of prey, carry their horses on

their backs to the place of plunder; in order to catch their prey, they

leap upon their horses, and when it is taken, carry their horses home

again upon their shoulders.”

CHAPTER XVIII

OF THE ANTIQUITY OF THEIR FAITH, THEIR LOVE OF CHRISTIANITY AND DEVOTION

IN ancient times, and about two hundred years before the overthrow of

Britain, the Welsh were instructed and confirmed in the faith by Faganus

and Damianus, sent into the island at the request of king Lucius by pope

Eleutherius, and from that period when Germanus of Auxerre, and Lupus of

Troyes, came over on account of the corruption which had crept into the

island by the invasion of the Saxons, but particularly with a view of

expelling the Pelagian heresy, nothing heretical or contrary to the true

faith was to be found amongst the natives. But it is said that some

parts of the ardent doctrines are still retained. They give the first

piece broken off from every loaf of bread to the poor; they sit down to

dinner by three to a dish, in honour of the Trinity. With extended arms

and bowing head, they ask a blessing of every monk or priest, or of every

person wearing a religious habit. But they desire, above all other

nations, the episcopal ordination and unction, by which the grace of the

spirit is given. They give a tenth of all their property, animals,

cattle, and sheep, either when they marry, or go on a pilgrimage, or, by

the counsel of the church, are persuaded to amend their lives. This

partition of their effects they call the great tithe, two parts of which

they give to the church where they were baptised, and the third to the

bishop of the diocese. But of all pilgrimages they prefer that to Rome,

where they pay the most fervent adoration to the apostolic see. We

observe that they show a greater respect than other nations to churches

and ecclesiastical persons, to the relics of saints, bells, holy books,

and the cross, which they devoutly revere; and hence their churches enjoy

more than common tranquillity. For peace is not only preserved towards

all animals feeding in churchyards, but at a great distance beyond them,

where certain boundaries and ditches have been appointed by the bishops,

in order to maintain the security of the sanctuary. But the principal

churches to which antiquity has annexed the greater reverence extend

their protection to the herds as far as they can go to feed in the

morning and return at night. If, therefore, any person has incurred the

enmity of his prince, on applying to the church for protection, he and

his family will continue to live unmolested; but many persons abuse this

indemnity, far exceeding the indulgence of the canon, which in such cases

grants only personal safety; and from the places of refuge even make

hostile irruptions, and more severely harass the country than the prince

himself. Hermits and anchorites more strictly abstinent and more

spiritual can nowhere be found; for this nation is earnest in all its

pursuits, and neither worse men than the bad, nor better than the good,

can be met with.

Happy and fortunate indeed would this nation be, nay, completely blessed,

if it had good prelates and pastors, and but one prince, and that prince

a good one.

BOOK II

PREFACE

HAVING in the former book clearly set forth the character, manners, and

customs of the British nation, and having collected and explained

everything which could redound to its credit or glory; an attention to

order now requires that, in this second part, we should employ our pen in

pointing out those particulars in which it seems to transgress the line

of virtue and commendation; having first obtained leave to speak the

truth, without which history not only loses its authority, but becomes

undeserving of its very name. For the painter who professes to imitate

nature, loses his reputation, if, by indulging his fancy, he represents

only those parts of the subject which best suit him.

Since, therefore, no man is born without faults, and he is esteemed the

best whose errors are the least, let the wise man consider everything

human as connected with himself; for in worldly affairs there is no

perfect happiness under heaven. Evil borders upon good, and vices are

confounded with virtues; as the report of good qualities is delightful to

a well-disposed mind, so the relation of the contrary should not be

offensive. The natural disposition of this nation might have been

corrupted and perverted by long exile and poverty; for as poverty

extinguisheth many faults, so it often generates failings that are

contrary to virtue.

CHAPTER I

OF THE INCONSTANCY AND INSTABILITY OF THIS NATION, AND THEIR WANT OF

REVERENCE FOR GOOD FAITH AND OATHS

THESE people are no less light in mind than in body, and are by no means

to be relied upon. They are easily urged to undertake any action, and

are as easily checked from prosecuting it—a people quick in action, but

more stubborn in a bad than in a good cause, and constant only in acts of

inconstancy. They pay no respect to oaths, faith, or truth; and so

lightly do they esteem the covenant of faith, held so inviolable by other

nations, that it is usual to sacrifice their faith for nothing, by

holding forth the right hand, not only in serious and important concerns,

but even on every trifling occasion, and for the confirmation of almost

every common assertion. They never scruple at taking a false oath for

the sake of any temporary emolument or advantage; so that in civil and

ecclesiastical causes, each party, being ready to swear whatever seems

expedient to its purpose, endeavours both to prove and defend, although

the venerable laws, by which oaths are deemed sacred, and truth is

honoured and respected, by favouring the accused and throwing an odium

upon the accuser, impose the burden of bringing proofs upon the latter.

But to a people so cunning and crafty, this yoke is pleasant, and this

burden is light.

CHAPTER II

THEIR LIVING BY PLUNDER, AND DISREGARD OF THE BONDS OF PEACE AND

FRIENDSHIP

THIS nation conceives it right to commit acts of plunder, theft, and

robbery, not only against foreigners and hostile nations, but even

against their own countrymen. When an opportunity of attacking the enemy

with advantage occurs, they respect not the leagues of peace and

friendship, preferring base lucre to the solemn obligations of oaths and

good faith; to which circumstance Gildas alludes in his book concerning

the overthrow of the Britons, actuated by the love of truth, and

according to the rules of history, not suppressing the vices of his

countrymen. “They are neither brave in war, nor faithful in peace.” But

when Julius Cæsar, great as the world itself,

“Territa quæsitis ostendit terga Britannis,”

were they not brave under their leader Cassivellaunus? And when Belinus

and Brennus added the Roman empire to their conquests? What were they in

the time of Constantine, son of our Helen? What, in the reign of

Aurelius Ambrosius, whom even Eutropius commends? What were they in the

time of our famous prince Arthur? I will not say fabulous. On the

contrary, they, who were almost subdued by the Scots and Picts, often

harassed with success the auxiliary Roman legions, and exclaimed, as we

learn from Gildas, “The barbarians drove us to the sea, the sea drove us

again back to the barbarians; on one side we were subdued, on the other

drowned, and here we were put to death. Were they not,” says he, “at

that time brave and praiseworthy?” When attacked and conquered by the

Saxons, who originally had been called in as stipendiaries to their

assistance, were they not brave? But the strongest argument made use of

by those who accuse this nation of cowardice, is, that Gildas, a holy

man, and a Briton by birth, has handed down to posterity nothing

remarkable concerning them, in any of his historical works. We promise,

however, a solution of the contrary in our British Topography, if God

grants us a continuance of life.

As a further proof, it may be necessary to add, that from the time when

that illustrious prince of the Britons, mentioned at the beginning of

this book, totally exhausted the strength of the country, by transporting

the whole armed force beyond the seas; that island, which had before been

so highly illustrious for its incomparable valour, remained for many

subsequent years destitute of men and arms, and exposed to the predatory

attacks of pirates and robbers. So distinguished, indeed, were the

natives of this island for their bravery, that, by their prowess, that

king subdued almost all Cisalpine Gaul, and dared even to make an attack

on the Roman empire.

In process of time, the Britons, recovering their long-lost population

and knowledge of the use of arms, re-acquired their high and ancient

character. Let the different æras be therefore marked, and the

historical accounts will accord. With regard to Gildas, who inveighs so

bitterly against his own nation, the Britons affirm that, highly

irritated at the death of his brother, the prince of Albania, whom king

Arthur had slain, he wrote these invectives, and upon the same occasion

threw into the sea many excellent books, in which he had described the

actions of Arthur, and the celebrated deeds of his countrymen; from which

cause it arises, that no authentic account of so great a prince is any

where to be found.

CHAPTER III

OF THEIR DEFICIENCY IN BATTLE, AND BASE AND DISHONOURABLE FLIGHT

IN war this nation is very severe in the first attack, terrible by their

clamour and looks, filling the air with horrid shouts and the deep-toned

clangour of very long trumpets; swift and rapid in their advances and

frequent throwing of darts. Bold in the first onset, they cannot bear a

repulse, being easily thrown into confusion as soon as they turn their

backs; and they trust to flight for safety, without attempting to rally,

which the poet thought reprehensible in martial conflicts:

“Ignavum scelus est tantum fuga;”

and elsewhere—

“In vitium culpæ ducit fuga, si caret arte.”

The character given to the Teutones in the Roman History, may be applied

to this people. “In their first attack they are more than men, in the

second, less than women.” Their courage manifests itself chiefly in the

retreat, when they frequently return, and, like the Parthians, shoot

their arrows behind them; and, as after success and victory in battle,

even cowards boast of their courage, so, after a reverse of fortune, even

the bravest men are not allowed their due claims of merit. Their mode of

fighting consists in chasing the enemy or in retreating. This

light-armed people, relying more on their activity than on their

strength, cannot struggle for the field of battle, enter into close

engagement, or endure long and severe actions, such as the poet

describes:

“Jam clypeo clypeus, umbone repellitur umbo,

Ense minax ensis, pede pes, et cuspide cuspis.”

Though defeated and put to flight on one day, they are ready to resume

the combat on the next, neither dejected by their loss, nor by their

dishonour; and although, perhaps, they do not display great fortitude in

open engagements and regular conflicts, yet they harass the enemy by

ambuscades and nightly sallies. Hence, neither oppressed by hunger or

cold, nor fatigued by martial labours, nor despondent in adversity, but

ready, after a defeat, to return immediately to action, and again endure

the dangers of war; they are as easy to overcome in a single battle, as

difficult to subdue in a protracted war. The poet Claudian thus speaks

of a people similar in disposition:—

“Dum percunt, meminêre mali: si corda parumper

Respirare sinas, nullo tot funera censu

Prætercunt, tantique levis jactura cruoris.”

CHAPTER IV

THEIR AMBITIOUS SEIZURE OF LANDS, AND DISSENSIONS AMONG BROTHERS

THIS nation is, above all others, addicted to the digging up of boundary

ditches, removing the limits, transgressing landmarks, and extending

their territory by every possible means. So great is their disposition

towards this common violence, that they scruple not to claim as their

hereditary right, those lands which are held under lease, or at will, on

condition of planting, or by any other title, even although indemnity had

been publicly secured on oath to the tenant by the lord proprietor of the

soil. Hence arise suits and contentions, murders and conflagrations, and

frequent fratricides, increased, perhaps, by the ancient national custom

of brothers dividing their property amongst each other. Another heavy

grievance also prevails; the princes entrust the education of their

children to the care of the principal men of their country, each of whom,

after the death of his father, endeavours, by every possible means, to

exalt his own charge above his neighbours. From which cause great

disturbances have frequently arisen amongst brothers, and terminated in

the most cruel and unjust murders; and on which account friendships are

found to be more sincere between foster-brothers, than between those who

are connected by the natural ties of brotherhood. It is also remarkable,

that brothers shew more affection to one another when dead, than when

living; for they persecute the living even unto death, but revenge the

deceased with all their power.

CHAPTER V

THEIR GREAT EXACTION, AND WANT OF MODERATION

WHERE they find plenty, and can exercise their power, they levy the most

unjust exactions. Immoderate in their love of food and intoxicating

drink, they say with the Apostle, “We are instructed both to abound, and

to suffer need;” but do not add with him, “becoming all things to all

men, that I might by all means save some.” As in times of scarcity their

abstinence and parsimony are too severe, so, when seated at another man’s

table, after a long fasting, (like wolves and eagles, who, like them,

live by plunder, and are rarely satisfied,) their appetite is immoderate.

They are therefore penurious in times of scarcity, and extravagant in

times of plenty; but no man, as in England, mortgages his property for

the gluttonous gratification of his own appetite. They wish, however,

that all people would join with them in their bad habits and expenses; as

the commission of crimes reduces to a level all those who are concerned

in the perpetration of them.

CHAPTER VI

CONCERNING THE CRIME OF INCEST, AND THE ABUSE OF CHURCHES BY SUCCESSION

AND PARTICIPATION

THE crime of incest hath so much prevailed, not only among the higher,

but among the lower orders of this people, that, not having the fear of

God before their eyes, they are not ashamed of intermarrying with their

relations, even in the third degree of consanguinity. They generally

abuse these dispensations with a view of appeasing those enmities which

so often subsist between them, because “their feet are swift to shed

blood;” and from their love of high descent, which they so ardently

affect and covet, they unite themselves to their own people, refusing to

intermarry with strangers, and arrogantly presuming on their own

superiority of blood and family. They do not engage in marriage, until

they have tried, by previous cohabitation, the disposition, and

particularly the fecundity, of the person with whom they are engaged. An

ancient custom also prevails of hiring girls from their parents at a

certain price, and a stipulated penalty, in case of relinquishing their

connection.

Their churches have almost as many parsons and sharers as there are

principal men in the parish. The sons, after the decease of their

fathers, succeed to the ecclesiastical benefices, not by election, but by

hereditary right possessing and polluting the sanctuary of God. And if a

prelate should by chance presume to appoint or institute any other

person, the people would certainly revenge the injury upon the institutor

and the instituted. With respect to these two excesses of incest and

succession, which took root formerly in Armorica, and are not yet

eradicated, Ildebert, bishop of Le Mans, in one of his epistles, says,

“that he was present with a British priest at a council summoned with a

view of putting an end to the enormities of this nation:” hence it

appears that these vices have for a long time prevailed both in Britany

and Britain. The words of the Psalmist may not inaptly be applied to

them; “They are corrupt and become abominable in their doings, there is

none that doeth good, no, not one: they are all gone out of the way, they

are altogether become abominable,” etc.

CHAPTER VII

OF THEIR SINS, AND THE CONSEQUENT LOSS OF BRITAIN AND OF TROY

MOREOVER, through their sins, and particularly that detestable and wicked

vice of Sodom, as well as by divine vengeance, they lost Britain as they

formerly lost Troy. For we read in the Roman history, that the emperor

Constantine having resigned the city and the Western empire to the

blessed Sylvester and his successors, with an intention of rebuilding

Troy, and there establishing the chief seat of the Eastern Empire, heard

a voice, saying, “Dost thou go to rebuild Sodom?” upon which, he altered

his intention, turned his ships and standards towards Byzantium, and

there fixing his seat of empire, gave his own propitious name to the

city. The British history informs us, that Mailgon, king of the Britons,

and many others, were addicted to this vice; that enormity, however, had

entirely ceased for so long a time, that the recollection of it was

nearly worn out. But since that, as if the time of repentance was almost

expired, and because the nation, by its warlike successes and acquisition

of territory, has in our times unusually increased in population and

strength, they boast in their turn, and most confidently and unanimously

affirm, that in a short time their countrymen shall return to the island,

and, according to the prophecies of Merlin, the nation, and even the

name, of foreigners, shall be extinguished in the island, and the Britons

shall exult again in their ancient name and privileges. But to me it

appears far otherwise; for since

“Luxuriant animi rebus plerumque secundis,

Nec facile est æqua commoda mente pati;”

And because

“Non habet unde suum paupertas pascat amorem, . . .

Divitiis alitur luxuriosus amor.”

So that their abstinence from that vice, which in their prosperity they

could not resist, may be attributed more justly to their poverty and

state of exile than to their sense of virtue. For they cannot be said to

have repented, when we see them involved in such an abyss of vices,

perjury, theft, robbery, rapine, murders, fratricides, adultery, and

incest, and become every day more entangled and ensnared in evil-doing;

so that the words of the prophet Hosea may be truly applied to them,

“There is no truth, nor mercy,” etc.

Other matters of which they boast are more properly to be attributed to

the diligence and activity of the Norman kings than to their own merits

or power. For previous to the coming of the Normans, when the English

kings contented themselves with the sovereignty of Britain alone, and

employed their whole military force in the subjugation of this people,

they almost wholly extirpated them; as did king Offa, who by a long and

extensive dyke separated the British from the English; Ethelfrid also,

who demolished the noble city of Legions, {197} and put to death the

monks of the celebrated monastery at Banchor, who had been called in to

promote the success of the Britons by their prayers; and lastly Harold,

who himself on foot, with an army of light-armed infantry, and conforming

to the customary diet of the country, so bravely penetrated through every

part of Wales, that he scarcely left a man alive in it; and as a memorial

of his signal victories many stones may be found in Wales bearing this

inscription:—“HIC VICTOR FUIT HAROLDUS”—“HERE HAROLD CONQUERED.” {198}

To these bloody and recent victories of the English may be attributed the

peaceable state of Wales during the reigns of the three first Norman

kings; when the nation increased in population, and being taught the use

of arms and the management of horses by the English and Normans (with

whom they had much intercourse, by following the court, or by being sent

as hostages), took advantage of the necessary attention which the three

succeeding kings were obliged to pay to their foreign possessions, and

once more lifting up their crests, recovered their lands, and spurned the

yoke that had formerly been imposed upon them.

CHAPTER VIII

IN WHAT MANNER THIS NATION IS TO BE OVERCOME

THE prince who would wish to subdue this nation, and govern it peaceably,

must use this method. He must be determined to apply a diligent and

constant attention to this purpose for one year at least; for a people

who with a collected force will not openly attack the enemy in the field,

nor wait to be besieged in castles, is not to be overcome at the first

onset, but to be worn out by prudent delay and patience. Let him divide

their strength, and by bribes and promises endeavour to stir up one

against the other, knowing the spirit of hatred and envy which generally

prevails amongst them; and in the autumn let not only the marches, but

also the interior part of the country be strongly fortified with castles,

provisions, and confidential families. In the meantime the purchase of

corn, cloth, and salt, with which they are usually supplied from England,

should be strictly interdicted; and well-manned ships placed as a guard

on the coast, to prevent their importation of these articles from Ireland

or the Severn sea, and to facilitate the supply of his own army.

Afterwards, when the severity of winter approaches, when the trees are

void of leaves, and the mountains no longer afford pasturage—when they

are deprived of any hopes of plunder, and harassed on every side by the

repeated attacks of the enemy—let a body of light-armed infantry

penetrate into their woody and mountainous retreats, and let these troops

be supported and relieved by others; and thus by frequent changes, and

replacing the men who are either fatigued or slain in battle, this nation

may be ultimately subdued; nor can it be overcome without the above

precautions, nor without great danger and loss of men. Though many of

the English hired troops may perish in a day of battle, money will

procure as many or more on the morrow for the same service; but to the

Welsh, who have neither foreign nor stipendiary troops, the loss is for

the time irreparable. In these matters, therefore, as an artificer is to

be trusted in his trade, so attention is to be paid to the counsel of

those who, having been long conversant in similar concerns, are become

acquainted with the manners and customs of their country, and whom it

greatly interests, that an enemy, for whom during long and frequent

conflicts they have contracted an implacable hatred, should by their

assistance be either weakened or destroyed. Happy should I have termed

the borders of Wales inhabited by the English, if their kings, in the

government of these parts, and in their military operations against the

enemy, had rather employed the marchers and barons of the country, than

adopted the counsels and policy of the people of Anjou and the Normans.

In this, as well as in every other military expedition, either in Ireland

or in Wales, the natives of the marches, from the constant state of

warfare in which they are engaged, and whose manners are formed from the

habits of war, are bold and active, skilful on horseback, quick on foot,

not nice as to their diet, and ever prepared when necessity requires to

abstain both from corn and wine. By such men were the first hostile

attacks made upon Wales as well as Ireland, and by such men alone can

their final conquest be accomplished. For the Flemings, Normans,

Coterells, and Bragmans, are good and well-disciplined soldiers in their

own country; but the Gallic soldiery is known to differ much from the

Welsh and Irish. In their country the battle is on level, here on rough

ground; there in an open field, here in forests; there they consider

their armour as an honour, here as a burden; there soldiers are taken

prisoners, here they are beheaded; there they are ransomed, here they are

put to death. Where, therefore, the armies engage in a flat country, a

heavy and complex armour, made of cloth and iron, both protects and

decorates the soldier; but when the engagement is in narrow defiles, in

woods or marshes, where the infantry have the advantage over the cavalry,

a light armour is preferable. For light arms afford sufficient

protection against unarmed men, by whom victory is either lost or won at

the first onset; where it is necessary that an active and retreating

enemy should be overcome by a certain proportional quantity of moderate

armour; whereas with a more complex sort, and with high and curved

saddles, it is difficult to dismount, more so to mount, and with the

greatest difficulty can such troops march, if required, with the

infantry. In order, therefore, that

“Singula quæque locum teneant sortita decenter,”

we maintain it is necessary to employ heavy-armed and strong troops

against men heavily armed, depending entirely upon their natural

strength, and accustomed to fight in an open plain; but against

light-armed and active troops, who prefer rough ground, men accustomed to

such conflicts, and armed in a similar manner, must be employed. But let

the cities and fortresses on the Severn, and the whole territory on its

western banks towards Wales, occupied by the English, as well as the

provinces of Shropshire and Cheshire, which are protected by powerful

armies, or by any other special privileges and honourable independence,

rejoice in the provident bounty of their prince. There should be a

yearly examination of the warlike stores, of the arms, and horses, by

good and discreet men deputed for that purpose, and who, not intent on

its plunder and ruin, interest themselves in the defence and protection

of their country. By these salutary measures, the soldiers, citizens,

and the whole mass of the people, being instructed and accustomed to the

use of arms, liberty may be opposed by liberty, and pride be checked by

pride. For the Welsh, who are neither worn out by laborious burdens, nor

molested by the exactions of their lords, are ever prompt to avenge an

injury. Hence arise their distinguished bravery in the defence of their

country; hence their readiness to take up arms and to rebel. Nothing so

much excites, encourages, and invites the hearts of men to probity as the

cheerfulness of liberty; nothing so much dejects and dispirits them as

the oppression of servitude. This portion of the kingdom, protected by

arms and courage, might be of great use to the prince, not only in these

or the adjacent parts, but, if necessity required, in more remote

regions; and although the public treasury might receive a smaller annual

revenue from these provinces, yet the deficiency would be abundantly

compensated by the peace of the kingdom and the honour of its sovereign;

especially as the heavy and dangerous expenses of one military expedition

into Wales usually amount to the whole income among from the revenues of

the province.

CHAPTER IX

IN WHAT MANNER WALES, WHEN CONQUERED, SHOULD BE GOVERNED

AS therefore this nation is to be subdued by resolution in the manner

proposed, so when subdued, its government must be directed by moderation,

according to the following plan. Let the care of it be committed to a

man of a firm and determined mind; who during the time of peace, by

paying due obedience to the laws, and respect to the government, may

render it firm and stable. For like other nations in a barbarous state,

this people, although they are strangers to the principles of honour, yet

above all things desire to be honoured; and approve and respect in others

that truth which they themselves do not profess. Whenever the natural

inconstancy of their indisposition shall induce them to revolt, let

punishment instantly follow the offence; but when they shall have

submitted themselves again to order, and made proper amends for their

faults (as it is the custom of bad men to remember wrath after quarrels),

let their former transgression be overlooked, and let them enjoy security

and respect, as long as they continue faithful. Thus, by mild treatment

they will be invited to obedience and the love of peace, and the thought

of certain punishment will deter them from rash attempts. We have often

observed persons who, confounding these matters, by complaining of

faults, depressing for services, flattering in war, plundering in peace,

despoiling the weak, paying respect to revolters, by thus rendering all

things confused, have at length been confounded themselves. Besides, as

circumstances which are foreseen do less mischief, and as that state is

happy which thinks of war in the time of peace, let the wise man be upon

his guard, and prepared against the approaching inconveniences of war, by

the construction of forts, the widening of passes through woods, and the

providing of a trusty household. For those who are cherished and

sustained during the time of peace, are more ready to come forward in

times of danger, and are more confidently to be depended upon; and as a

nation unsubdued ever meditates plots under the disguise of friendship,

let not the prince or his governor entrust the protection of his camp or

capital to their fidelity. By the examples of many remarkable men, some

of whom have been cruelly put to death, and others deprived of their

castles and dignities, through their own neglect and want of care, we may

see, that the artifices of a crafty and subdued nation are much more to

be dreaded than their open warfare; their good-will than their anger,

their honey than their gall, their malice than their attack, their

treachery than their aggression, and their pretended friendship more than

their open enmity. A prudent and provident man therefore should

contemplate in the misfortune of others what he ought himself to avoid;

correction taught by example is harmless, as Ennodius {203} says: “The

ruin of predecessors instructs those who succeed; and a former

miscarriage becomes a future caution.” If a well-disposed prince should

wish these great designs to be accomplished without the effusion of

blood, the marches, as we before mentioned, must be put into a state of

defence on all sides, and all intercourse by sea and land interdicted;

some of the Welsh may be stirred up to deadly feuds, by means of

stipends, and by transferring the property of one person to another; and

thus worn out with hunger, and a want of the necessaries of life, and

harassed by frequent murders and implacable enmities, they will at last

be compelled to surrender.

There are three things which ruin this nation, and prevent its enjoying

the satisfaction of a fruitful progeny. First, because both the natural

and legitimate sons endeavour to divide the paternal inheritance amongst

themselves; from which cause, as we have before observed, continual

fratricides take place. Secondly, because the education of their sons is

committed to the care of the high-born people of the country, who, on the

death of their fathers, endeavour by all possible means to exalt their

pupil; from whence arise murders, conflagrations, and almost a total

destruction of the country. And, thirdly, because from the pride and

obstinacy of their disposition, they will not (like other nations)

subject themselves to the dominion of one lord and king.

CHAPTER X

IN WHAT MANNER THIS NATION MAY RESIST AND REVOLT

HAVING hitherto so partially and elaborately spoken in favour of the

English, and being equally connected by birth with each nation, justice

demands that we should argue on both sides; let us therefore, at the

close of our work, turn our attention towards the Welsh, and briefly, but

effectually, instruct them in the art of resistance. If the Welsh were

more commonly accustomed to the Gallic mode of arming, and depended more

on steady fighting than on their agility; if their princes were unanimous

and inseparable in their defence; or rather, if they had only one prince,

and that a good one; this nation situated in so powerful, strong, and

inaccessible a country, could hardly ever be completely overcome. If,

therefore, they would be inseparable, they would become insuperable,

being assisted by these three circumstances; a country well defended by

nature, a people both contented and accustomed to live upon little, a

community whose nobles as well as privates are instructed in the use of

arms; and especially as the English fight for power, the Welsh for

liberty; the one to procure gain, the other to avoid loss; the English

hirelings for money, the Welsh patriots for their country. The English,

I say, fight in order to expel the natural inhabitants from the island,

and secure to themselves the possession of the whole; but the Welsh

maintain the conflict, that they, who have so long enjoyed the

sovereignty of the whole kingdom, may at least find a hiding place in the

worst corner of it, amongst woods and marshes; and, banished, as it were,

for their offences, may there in a state of poverty, for a limited time,

perform penance for the excesses they committed in the days of their

prosperity. For the perpetual remembrance of their former greatness, the

recollection of their Trojan descent, and the high and continued majesty

of the kingdom of Britain, may draw forth many a latent spark of

animosity, and encourage the daring spirit of rebellion. Hence during

the military expedition which king Henry II. made in our days against

South Wales, an old Welshman at Pencadair, who had faithfully adhered to

him, being desired to give his opinion about the royal army, and whether

he thought that of the rebels would make resistance, and what would be

the final event of this war, replied, “This nation, O king, may now, as

in former times, be harassed, and in a great measure weakened and

destroyed by your and other powers, and it will often prevail by its

laudable exertions; but it can never be totally subdued through the wrath

of man, unless the wrath of God shall concur. Nor do I think, that any

other nation than this of Wales, or any other language, whatever may

hereafter come to pass, shall, in the day of severe examination before

the Supreme Judge, answer for this corner of the earth.”

FOOTNOTES

{155a} Port Gordber, written _Gordwr_ by Humphrey Lhwyd in his Breviary

of Britain, probably a corruption from Gorddyar, a roaring, applied to

the sea, as Gorddyar môr, the roaring of the sea.

{155b} The harbour, now known by the name of Portscwit, (and recorded in

the Triads as one of the three passages or ferries in the Isle of

Britain), is situated on the Welsh side of the Bristol channel, at a

short distance from the lower passage.

{155c} Port Mawr, or the large port, is thus mentioned by Leland in his

Itinerary, tom. v. pp. 28, 29:—“About a mile of is Port Mawre, where is a

great sande with a shorte estuary into the lande. And sum say that there

hath beene a castel at or aboute Port Mawr, but the tokens be not very

evidente.”

{155d} Rhyd-helyg, or the Ford of the Willow.—I imagine this place is

Walford in Herefordshire, near the banks of the river Wye.

{156} Brutus, according to the fable, in his way to Britain, met with a

company of Trojans, who had fled from Troy with Antenor and Corinæus at

their head, who submitted themselves to Brutus, and joined his company;

which Corinæus, being a very valiant man, rendered great service to

Brutus during his wars in Gaul and Britain; in return for which, Brutus,

having subdued the island, and divided it amongst his people, gave

Cornwall to Corinæus, who, as it is said, called it after his own name,

Cernyw.

{157a} Uchelwyr, so called from _Uchel_, high, and _gwr_, a man.

{157b} This assertion is unfounded, if we give credit to the Welsh

Chronicle, which dates the death of Cadell in 907, and that of Anarawdin

in 913. [Howell Dda, the son of Cadell, reunited Wales under one

sovereign.]

{158a} B.M.—This abbreviation, which in every manuscript I have seen of

Giraldus has been construed into _Beatam Mariam_, and in many of them is

written _Beatam Virginem_, may with much greater propriety be applied to

_Belinus Magnus_, or Beli the Great, a distinguished British King, to

whom most of the British pedigrees ascended; and because his name

occurred so frequently in them it was often written short, B.M., which

some men, by mistake, interpret _Beata Maria_.—(Sir R. C. H.)

{158b} Aberfraw, a small town at the conflux of the river Fraw and the

sea, on the S.W. part of the isle of Anglesey, and twelve miles S.E. of

Holyhead.

{159a} A great lordship in Herefordshire, including the district between

Hereford and Monmouth, bordering on the river Wye.

{159b} Book ii. chapter i.

{162a} Book ii. c. 4.

{162b} If by the mountains of Eryri we are to understand the Snowdonian

range of hills, our author has not been quite accurate in fixing the

source of the river Dovy, which rises between Dynas-y-mowddu and Bala

Lake, to the southward of Mount Arran: from whence it pursues its course

to Mallwyd, and Machynlleth, below which place it becomes an estuary, and

the boundary between North and South Wales.

{162c} Our author is again incorrect in stating that the river Maw

forms, by its course, the two tracts of sands called Traeth Mawr and

Traeth Bychan. This river, from which Barmouth derives the name of

Abermaw, and to which Giraldus, in the fifth chapter of the second book

of his Itinerary, has given the epithet of _bifurcus_, runs far to the

southward of either of the Traeths. The Traeth Mawr, or large sands, are

formed by the impetuous torrents which descend from Snowdon by

Beddgelert, and pass under the Devil’s Bridge at Pont Aberglasllyn, so

called from the river Glasllyn; and the Traeth Bychan, or little sands,

are formed by numerous streams which unite themselves in the vale of

Festiniog, and become an æstuary near the village of Maentwrog.

{165a} Better known as Geoffrey of Monmouth.

{165b} The Anglo-Saxons called the Britons _Wealhas_, from a word in

their own language, which signified literally foreigners; and hence we

derive the modern name Welsh.

{168} The Peak, in Derbyshire.

{169a} Sir R. C. Hoare has altogether misunderstood the original here.

It was the custom in the middle ages to place the guests at table in

pairs, and each two persons ate out of one plate. Each couple was a

_mess_. At a later period, among the great the mess consisted of four

persons; but it appears that in Wales, at this time, it was formed of

three guests.

{169b} “Bread, called _Lagana_, was, I suppose, the sort of household

bread, or thin cake baked on an iron plate, called a griddle (_gradell_),

still common in Caermarthenshire, and called _Bara Llech_ and _Bara

Llechan_, or griddle bread, from being so baked.”—Owen. “_Laganum_, a

fritter or pancake, _Baranyiod_.”—_Lluyd_, _Archaiology_, p. 75.

{170} _Brychan_, in Lhuyd’s Archaiology and Cornish Grammar, is spelt

Bryccan, and interpreted a blanket.

{171} “Omnes vero se Britanni vitro inficiunt, quod cæruleum efficit

colorem, atque hoc horridore sunt in pugna adspectu; capilloque sunt

promisso, atque omni parte corporis rasa, præter caput et labrum

superius.”—_Cæsar de Bello Gallico_, cap. 13, 14.

{172} This instrument is generally supposed to have been the origin of

the violin, which was not commonly known in England till the reign of

Charles I. Before this time the crwth was not probably confined to the

Principality, from the name of _Crowdero_ in Hudibras; as also from a

fiddler being still called a _crowder_ in some parts of England, though

he now plays on a violin instead of a crwth.

{173} These Welsh lines quoted by Giraldus are selected from two

different stanzas of moral verses, called Eglynion y Clywed, the

composition of some anonymous bard; or probably the work of several:

“A glyweisti a gant Dywyneg,

Milwr doeth detholedig;

Digawn Duw da i unig?

“Hast thou heard what was sung by Dywynic?

A wise and chosen warrior;

God will effect solace to the orphan.

“A glyweisti a gant Anarawd?

Milwr doniawg did lawd;

Rhaid wrth anmhwyll pwyll parawd.

“Hast thou heard what was sung by Anarawd?

A warrior endowed with many gifts;

With want of sense ready wit is necessary.”

Or, as Giraldus quotes it,

“Wrth bob crybwll rhaid pwyll parawd.”

“With every hint ready wit is necessary.”

_Myvyvrian Archaiology_, page 172.

{179} Awenydhion, in a literal sense, means persons inspired by the

Muse, and is derived from Awen and Awenydd, a poetical rapture, or the

gift of poetry. It was the appellation of the disciples, or candidates

for the Bardic Order; but the most general acceptation of the word was,

Poets, or Bards.

{183} Genealogies were preserved as a principle of necessity under the

ancient British constitution. A man’s pedigree was in reality his title

deed, by which he claimed his birthright in the country. Every one was

obliged to show his descent through nine generations, in order to be

acknowledged a free native, and by this right he claimed his portion of

land in the community. He was affected with respect to legal process in

his collateral affinities through nine degrees. For instance, every

murder committed had a fine levied on the relations of the murderer,

divided into nine degrees; his brother paying the greatest, and the ninth

in affinity the least. This fine was distributed in the same way among

the relatives of the victim. A person past the ninth descent formed a

new family. Every family was represented by its elder; and these elders

from every family were delegates to the national council.—_Owen_.

{184} The _naviculæ_ mentioned by Giraldus bear the modern name of

_coracles_, and are much used on the Welsh rivers for the taking of

salmon. Their name is derived probably from the Celtic word _corawg_,

which signifies a _ship_. They are mentioned by the ancient writers.

{197} By the city of Legions Chester is here meant, not Caerleon.

{198} Of the stones inscribed “HIC VICTOR FUIT HAROLDUS”—“HERE HAROLD

CONQUERED,” no original, I believe, remains extant; but at the village of

Trelech, in Monmouthshire, there is a modern pedestal bearing the above

inscription.—See the description and engraving in Coxe’s Monmouthshire,

p. 234.

{203} In one MS. of Giraldus in the British Museum, this name is written

Ovidius.