Agesilaus

Produced by John Bickers

AGESILAUS

By Xenophon

Translation by H. G. Dakyns

Dedicated To

Rev. B. Jowett, M.A.

Master of Balliol College

Regius Professor of Greek in the University of Oxford

Xenophon the Athenian was born 431 B.C. He was a

pupil of Socrates. He marched with the Spartans,

and was exiled from Athens. Sparta gave him land

and property in Scillus, where he lived for many

years before having to move once more, to settle

in Corinth. He died in 354 B.C.

The Agesilaus summarises the life of his Spartan

friend and king, whom he met after the events of

the Anabasis.

PREPARER'S NOTE

This was typed from Dakyns' series, "The Works of Xenophon," a

four-volume set. The complete list of Xenophon's works (though

there is doubt about some of these) is:

Work Number of books

The Anabasis 7

The Hellenica 7

The Cyropaedia 8

The Memorabilia 4

The Symposium 1

The Economist 1

On Horsemanship 1

The Sportsman 1

The Cavalry General 1

The Apology 1

On Revenues 1

The Hiero 1

The Agesilaus 1

The Polity of the Athenians and the Lacedaemonians 2

Text in brackets "{}" is my transliteration of Greek text into

English using an Oxford English Dictionary alphabet table. The

diacritical marks have been lost.

AGESILAUS

An Encomium

The date of Agesilaus's death is uncertain--360 B.C. (Grote,

"H. G." ix. 336); 358 B.C. (Curt. iv. 196, Eng. tr.)

I

To write the praises of Agesilaus in language equalling his virtue and

renown is, I know, no easy task; yet must it be essayed; since it were

but an ill requital of pre-eminence, that, on the ground of his

perfection, a good man should forfeit the tribute even of imperfect

praise.

As touching, therefore, the excellency of his birth, what weightier,

what nobler testimony can be adduced than this one fact? To the

commemorative list of famous ancestry is added to-day the name (1)

Agesilaus as holding this or that numerical descent from Heracles, and

these ancestors no private persons, but kings sprung from the loins of

kings. Nor is it open to the gainsayer to contend that they were kings

indeed but of some chance city. Not so, but even as their family holds

highest honour in their fatherland, so too is their city the most

glorious in Hellas, whereby they hold, not primacy over the second

best, but among leaders they have leadership.

(1) Or, "even to-day, in the proud bead-roll of his ancestry he stands

commemorated, in numerical descent from Heracles."

And herein it is open to us to praise both his fatherland and his

family. It is notable that never throughout these ages has Lacedaemon,

out of envy of the privilege accorded to her kings, tried to dissolve

their rule; nor ever yet throughout these ages have her kings strained

after greater powers than those which limited their heritage of

kingship from the first. Wherefore, while all other forms of

government, democracies and oligarchies, tyrannies and monarchies,

alike have failed to maintain their continuity unbroken, here, as the

sole exception, endures indissolubly their kingship. (2)

(2) See "Cyrop." I. i. 1.

And next in token of an aptitude for kingship seen in Agesilaus,

before even he entered upon office, I note these signs. On the death

of Agis, king of Lacedaemon, there were rival claimants to the throne.

Leotychides claimed the succession as being the son of Agis, and

Agesilaus as the son of Archidamus. But the verdict of Lacedaemon

favoured Agesilaus as being in point of family and virtue

unimpeachable, (3) and so they set him on the throne. And yet, in this

princeliest of cities so to be selected by the noblest citizens as

worthy of highest privilege, argues, methinks conclusively, an

excellence forerunning exercise of rule. (4)

(3) For this matter see "Hell." III. iii. 1-6; V. iv. 13; Plut.

"Ages." iii. 3 (Cloigh, iv. 3 foll.); Paus. iii. 3.

(4) See Aristides ("Rhet." 776), who quotes the passage for its

measured cadence.

And so I pass on at once to narrate the chief achievements of his

reign, since by the light of deeds the character of him who wrought

them will, if I mistake not, best shine forth.

Agesilaus was still a youth (5) when he obtained the kingdom, and he

was still but a novice in his office when the news came that the king

of Persia was collecting a mighty armament by sea and land for the

invasion of Hellas. The Lacedaemonians and their allies sat debating

these matters, when Agesilaus undertook to cross over into Asia. He

only asked for thirty Spartans and two thousand New Citizens, (6)

besides a contingent of the allies six thousand strong; with these he

would cross over into Asia and endeavour to effect a peace; or, if the

barbarian preferred war, he would leave him little leisure to invade

Hellas.

(5) B.C. 399; according to Plut. ("Ages." ad fin.) he was forty-three,

and therefore still "not old." See "Hell." III. iv. 1 for the

startling news, B.C. 396.

(6) For the class of Neodamodes, see Arnold's note to Thuc. v. 34

(Jowett, "Thuc." ii. 307); also Thuc. vii. 58; "Hell." I. iii. 15.

The proposal was welcomed with enthusiasm on the part of many. They

could not but admire the eagerness of their king to retaliate upon the

Persian for his former invasions of Hellas by counter-invasion on his

own soil. They liked the preference also which he showed for attacking

rather than awaiting his enemy's attack, and his intention to carry on

the war at the expense of Persia rather than that of Hellas; but it

was the perfection of policy, they felt, so to change the arena of

battle, with Asia as the prize of victory instead of Hellas. If we

pass on to the moment when he had received his army and set sail, I

can conceive no clearer exposition of his generalship than the bare

narration of his exploits.

The scene is Asia, and this his first achievement. Tissaphernes had

sworn an oath to Agesilaus on this wise: if Agesilaus would grant him

an armistice until the return of certain ambassadors whom he would

send to the king, he (Tissaphernes) would do his utmost to procure the

independence of the Hellenic cities in Asia. And Agesilaus took a

counter oath: without fraud or covin to observe the armistice during

the three months (7) necessary to that transaction. But the compact was

scarcely made when Tissaphernes gave the lie to the solemn undertaking

he had sworn to. So far from effecting peace, he begged the King to

send him a large armament in addition to that which he already had. As

to Agesilaus, though he was well aware of these proceedings, he

adhered loyally to the armistice.

(7) See Grote, "H. G." x. 359; "Hell." III. iv. 5.

And for myself, I look upon this as the first glorious achievement of

the Spartan. By displaying the perjury of Tissaphernes he robbed him

of his credit with all the world; by the exhibition of himself in

contrast as a man who ratified his oath and would not gainsay an

article of his agreement, he gave all men, Hellenes and barbarians

alike, encouragement to make covenant with him to the full extent of

his desire.

When Tissaphernes, priding himself on the strength of that army which

had come down to aid him, bade Agesilaus to be gone from Asia or to

prepare for war, (8) deep was the vexation depicted on the faces of the

Lacedaemonians there present and their allies, as they realised that

the scanty force of Agesilaus was all too small to cope with the

armaments of Persia. But the brow of their general was lit with joy as

gaily he bade the ambassadors take back this answer to Tissaphernes:

"I hold myself indebted to your master for the perjury whereby he has

obtained to himself the hostility of heaven, and made the gods

themselves allies of Hellas." And so without further pause he

published a general order to his soldiers to pack their baggage and

prepare for active service; and to the several cities which lay on the

line of march to Caria, the order sped to have their markets in

readiness; while to the men of Ionia and the Aeolid and the Hellespont

he sent despatches bidding them send their contingents to Ephesus to

join in the campaign.

(8) Lit. "When Tissaphernes, priding himself... bade Agesilaus be

gone... deep was the annoyance felt."

Tissaphernes meanwhile was influenced by the fact that Agesilaus had

no cavalry, and that Caria was a hilly district unsuited for that arm.

Moreover, as he further bethought him, Agesilaus must needs be wroth

with him for his deceit. What could be clearer, therefore, than that

he was about to make a dash at the satrap's home in Caria? Accordingly

he transported the whole of his infantry into Caria and marched his

cavalry round the while into the plain of the Maeander, persuaded that

he would trample the Hellenes under the hoofs of his horses long

before they reached the district where no cavalry could operate.

But Agesilaus, instead of advancing upon Caria, turned right about and

marched in the direction of Phrygia. Picking up the various forces

that met him on his progress, he passed onwards, laying city after

city at his feet, and by the suddenness of his incursion capturing

enormous wealth.

Here was an achievement which showed the genius of a general, as all

agreed. When once war as declared, and the arts of circumvention and

deceit were thereby justified, he had proved Tissaphernes to be a very

bade in subtlety; (9) and with what sagacity again did he turn the

circumstances to account for the enrichment of his friends. Owing to

the quantity of wealth captured, precious things were selling for a

mere song. Thereupon he gave his friends warning to make their

purchases, adding that he should at once march down to the sea-coast

at the head of his troops. The quartermasters meanwhile received

orders to make a note of the purchasers with the prices of the

articles, and to consign the goods. The result was that, without prior

disbursement on their part, or detriment to the public treasury, his

friends reaped an enormous harvest. Moreover, when deserters came with

offers to disclose hidden treasures, and naturally enough laid their

proposal before the king himself, he took care to have the capture of

these treasures effected by his friends, which would enable them to do

a stroke of business, and at the same time redound to their prestige.

For this reason he was not long in discovering many an eager aspirant

to his friendship.

(9) See below, xi. 4; "Mem." III. i. 6; IV. ii. 15; "Cyrop." I. vi.

31; Plut. "Ages." xi. (Clough, iv. 10).

But a country pillaged and denuded of inhabitants would not long

support an army. That he felt. A more perennial source of supply was

surely to be found in waving cornfields and thickly clustering

homesteads. So with infinite pains he set himself not merely to crush

his foes by force, but also to win them to his side by gentleness. In

this spirit he often enjoined upon his soldiers to guard their

captives as fellow-men rather than take vengeance upon them as

evildoers; (10) or, on a change of quarters, if aware of little

children left behind by the dealers (since the men often sold them in

the belief that it would be impossible to carry them away and rear

them), he would show concern in behalf of these poor waifs and have

them conveyed to some place of safety; or he would entrust them to the

care of fellow-prisoners also left behind on account of old age; in no

case must they be left to ravening dogs and wolves. In this way he won

the goodwill not only of those who heard tell of these doings but of

the prisoners themselves. And whenever he brought over a city to his

side, he set the citizens free from the harsher service of a bondsman

to his lord, imposing the gentler obedience of a freeman to his ruler.

Indeed, there were fortresses impregnable to assault which he brought

under his power by the subtler force of human kindness.

(10) See Grote, vol. ix. p. 365 foll.

But when, in Phrygia even, the freedom of his march along the flats

was hampered by the cavalry of Pharnabazus, he saw that if he wished

to avoid a skulking warfare under cover, a force of cavalry was

indispensable. Accordingly he enlisted the wealthiest members of every

city in those parts to breed and furnish horses; with this saving

clause, however: that the individual who furnished a horse and arms

with a good rider should be exempt from service himself. By this means

he engendered an eagerness to discharge the obligation, not unlike

that of the condemned man, casting about to discover some one to die

in his place. (11) He further ordered some of the states themselves to

furnish contingents of mounted troopers, and this in the conviction

that from such training-centres he would presently get a pick of

cavaliers proud of their horsemanship. And thus once more he won

golden opinions by the skill with which he provided himself with a

body of cavalry in the plenitude of strength and ripe for active

service.

(11) Instead of the plain {zetoie} of the parallel passage ("Hell."

III. iv. 15) the encomiast prefers the poetical {masteuoi}.

On the approach of early spring (12) he collected his whole armament at

Ephesus, and set himself to the work of training it. With that object

he proposed a series of prizes: one set for the cavalry squadron which

rode best, another for the heavy infantry divisions which presented

the best physique, another again for various light troops, peltasts,

and bowmen, which showed themselves most efficient in their respective

duties.

(12) B.C. 395; see "Hell." III. iv. 16; Plut. "Marcel." (Clough, ii.

262); Polyb. xii. 20, 7.

Thereupon it was a sight to see the gymnasiums thronged with warriors

going through their exercises, the racecourses crowded with troopers

on prancing steeds, the archers and the javelin men shooting at the

butts. Nay, the whole city in which he lay was transformed into a

spectacle itself, so filled to overflowing was the market-place with

arms and armour of every sort, and horses, all for sale. Here were

coppersmiths and carpenters, ironfounders and cobblers, painters and

decorators--one and all busily engaged in fabricating the implements

of war; so that an onlooker might have thought the city of Ephesus

itself a gigantic arsenal. It would have kindled courage in the breast

of a coward to see the long lines of soldiers, with Agesilaus at their

head, all garlanded as they marched in proud procession from the

gymnasiums and dedicated their wreaths to our Lady Artemis. Since,

where these three elements exist--reverence towards heaven, practice

in military affairs, and obedience to command--all else must needs be

full of happy promise.

But seeing that contempt for the foe is calculated to infuse a certain

strength in face of battle, he ordered his criers to strip naked the

barbarians captured by his foraging parties, and so to sell them. The

soldiers who saw the white skins of these folk, unused to strip for

toil, soft and sleek and lazy-looking, as of people who could only

stir abroad in carriages, concluded that a war with women would

scarcely be more formidable. Then he published a further order to the

soldiers: "I shall lead you at once by the shortest route to the

stronghold (13) of the enemy's territory. Your general asks you to keep

yourselves on the alert in mind and body, as men about to enter the

lists of battle on the instant."

(13) Or, "the richest parts of the country," viz. Lydia; Plut. "Ages."

x.

But Tissaphernes was persuaded that this was all talk on his part for

the purpose of outwitting him a second time: now certainly Agesilaus

would make an incursion into Caria. So once again the satrap

transported his infantry over into that country just has he had done

before, and as before he posted his cavalry in the plain of the

Maeander.

This time, however, Agesilaus was true to his word. In accordance with

his published order he advanced straight upon the region of Sardis,

and, during a three days' march through a country where not an enemy

was to be seen, provided his army with abundant supplies. On the

fourth day the enemy's cavalry came up. The Persian general ordered

the commandant of his baggage train to cross the Pactolus and encamp,

whilst his troopers, who had caught sight of the camp followers of the

Hellenes scattered in search of booty, put many of them to the sword.

Agesilaus, aware how matters were going, ordered his cavalry to the

rescue, and the Persians on their side, seeing the enemy's supports

approaching, collected and formed up in line to receive them with the

serried squadrons of their cavalry. And now Agesilaus, conscious that

his enemy's infantry had not as yet arrived, whilst on his side no

element in his preparation was lacking, felt that the moment was come

to join battle if he could. Accordingly he sacrificed and advanced

against the opposing lines of cavalry. A detachment of heavy infantry,

the ten-years-service men, had orders to close with them at the run,

while the light infantry division were told to show them the way at a

swinging pace. At the same time he passed the order along the line of

his cavalry to charge in reliance of the support of himself and the

main body in their rear. Charge they did, these troopers, and the pick

of Persian cavalry received them bravely, but in face of the conjoint

horror of the attack they swerved, and some were cut down at once in

the river-bed, while others sought safety in flight. The Hellenes

followed close on the heels of the flying foe, and captured his camp.

Here the peltasts, not unnaturally, fell to pillaging, whereupon

Agesilaus formed a cordon of troops, round the property of friends and

foes alike, and so encamped.

Presently hearing that the enemy were in a state of disorder, the

result of every one holding his fellow responsible for what had

happened, he advanced without further stay on Sardis. Having arrived,

he fell to burning and ravaging the suburbs, while at the same time he

did not fail to make it known by proclamation that those who asked for

freedom should join his standard; or if there were any who claimed a

right of property in Asia he challenged them to come out and meet her

liberators in fair fight and let the sword decide between them.

Finding that no one ventured to come out to meet him, his march became

for the future a peaceful progress. All around him he beheld Hellenes

who formerly were forced to bow the knee to brutal governors now

honoured by their former tyrants, while those who had claimed to enjoy

divine honours were so humbled by him that they scarce dared to look a

Hellene in the face. Everywhere he saved the territory of his friends

from devastation, and reaped the fruits of the enemy's soil to such

good effect that within two years he was able to dedicate as a tithe

to the god at Delphi more than one hundred talents. (14)

(14) = 25,000 pounds nearly.

It was then that the Persian king, believing that Tissaphernes was to

blame for the ill success of his affairs, sent down Tithraustes and

cut off the satrap's head. After this the fortunes of the barbarians

grew still more desperate, whilst those of Agesilaus assumed a bolder

front. On all side embassies from the surrounding nations came to make

terms of friendship, and numbers even came over to him, stretching out

eager arms to grasp at freedom. So that Agesilaus was now no longer

the chosen captain of the Hellenes only, but of many Asiatics.

And here we may pause and consider what a weight of admiration is due

to one who, being now ruler over countless cities of the continent,

and islands also (since the state had further entrusted the navy to

his hands), just when he had reached this pinnacle of renown and

power, and might look to turn to account his thronging fortunes; when,

too, which overtops all else, he was cherishing fond hopes to dissolve

that empire which in former days had dared to march on Hellas;--at

such a moment suffered himself not to be overmastered by these

promptings, but on receipt of a summons of the home authorities to

come to the assistance of the fatherland, obeyed the mandate of his

state as readily (15) as though he stood confronted face to face with

the Five in the hall of ephors; and thus gave clear proof that he

would not accept the whole earth in exchange for the land of his

fathers, nor newly-acquired in place of ancient friends, nor base

gains ingloriously purchased rather than the perilous pursuit of

honour and uprightness. (16)

(15) Cf. Hor. "Od." III. v. 50.

(16) See Pindar, "Olymp." vi. 14.

And, indeed, glancing back at the whole period during which he

remained in the exercise of his authority, no act of deeper

significance in proof of his kingly qualities need be named than this.

He found the cities which he was sent out to govern each and all a

prey to factions, the result of constitutional disturbances consequent

on the cessation of the Athenian empire, and without resort to exile

or sanguinary measures he so disposed them by his healing presence

that civil concord and material prosperity were permanently

maintained. Therefore it was that the Hellenes in Asia deplored his

departure, (17) as though they had lost, not simply a ruler, but a

father or bosom friend, and in the end they showed that their

friendship was of no fictitious character. At any rate, they

voluntarily helped him to succour Lacedaemon, though it involved, as

they knew, the need of doing battle with combatants of equal prowess

with themselves. So the tale of his achievements in Asia has an end.

(17) See Plut. "Ages." xv.

II

He crossed the Hellespont and made his way through the very tribes

traversed by the Persian (1) with his multitudinous equipment in former

days, and the march which cost the barbarian a year was accomplished

by Agesilaus in less than a single month. He did not want to arrive a

day too late to serve his fatherland. And so passing through Macedonia

he arrived in Thessaly, and here the men of Larissa, Crannon,

Scotussa, and Pharsalus, who were allies of the Boeotians, and indeed

all the Thessalians, with the exception of those who were in exile at

the time, combined to dog his steps and do him damage. For a while he

led his troops in a hollow square, posting one half of his cavalry in

the van and the other half on his rear, but finding his march hindered

by frequent attacks of the Thessalians on his hindmost divisions, he

sent round the mass of his cavalry from the vanguard to support his

rear, reserving only his personal escort. (2) And now in battle order

the rival squadrons faced each other; when the Thessalians, not liking

a cavalry engagement in face of heavy infantry, wheeled and step by

step retreated; their opponents with much demureness following. Then

Agesilaus, detecting the common error under which both parties

laboured, sent round his own bodyguard of stalwart troopers with

orders to their predecessors (an order they would act upon themselves)

to charge the enemy at full gallop and not give him a chance to rally.

The Thessalians, in face of this unexpected charge, either could not

so much as rally, or in the attempt to do so were caught with their

horses' flanks exposed to the enemy's attack. Polycharmus, the

Pharsalian, a commandant of cavalry, did indeed succeed in wheeling,

but was cut down with those about him sword in hand. This was the

signal for a flight so extraordinary that dead and dying lined the

road, and the living were captured wholesale, nor was a halt made

until the pursuers reached Mount Narthacius. Here, midway between Pras

and Narthacius, Agesilaus erected a trophy, and here for the moment he

halted in unfeigned satisfaction at his exploit, since it was from an

antagonist boasting the finest cavalry in the world that he had

wrested victory with a body of cavalry organised by himself.

(1) I.e. "Xerxes."

(2) I.e. "the Three hundred." See Thuc. v. 72; "Pol. Lac." xiii. 6.

Next day, crossing the mountain barrier of Achaea Phthiotis, his march

lay through friendly territory for the rest of the way as far as the

frontiers of Boeotia. Here he found the confederates drawn up in

battle line. They consisted of the Thebans, the Athenians, the

Argives, the Corinthians, the Aenianians, the Euboeans, and both

divisions of the Locrians. (3) He did not hesitate, but openly before

their eyes drew out his lines to give them battle. He had with him a

division (4) and a half of Lacedaemonians, and from the seat of war

itself the allied troops of the Phocians and the men of Orchomenus

only, besides the armament which he had brought with him from Asia.

(3) See "Hell." IV. ii. 7.

(4) Lit. "mora."

I am not going to maintain that he ventured on the engagement in spite

of having far fewer and inferior forces. Such an assertion would only

reveal the senselessness of the general (5) and the folly of the writer

who should select as praiseworthy the reckless imperilling of mighty

interests. On the contrary, what I admire is the fact that he had

taken care to provide himself with an army not inferior to that of his

enemy, and had so equipped them that his cohorts literally gleamed

with purple and bronze. (6) He had taken pains to enable his soldiers

to undergo the fatigue of war, he had filled their breasts with a

proud consciousness that they were equal to do battle with any

combatants in the world, and what was more, he had infused a wholesome

rivalry in those about him to prove themselves each better than the

rest. He had filled all hearts with sanguine expectation of great

blessings to descend on all, if they proved themselves good men. Such

incentives, he thought, were best calculated to arouse enthusiasm in

men's souls to engage in battle with the enemy. And in this

expectation he was not deceived.

(5) Lit. "Agesilaus."

(6) See "Cyrop." VI. iv. 1.

I proceed to describe the battle, for in certain distinctive features

it differed from all the battles of our day. The contending forces met

on the plain of Coronea, Agesilaus and his troops approaching from the

Cephisus, the Thebans and their allies from the slopes of the Helicon.

These masses of infantry, as any eye might see, were of duly balanced

strength, while as near as could be the cavalry on either side was

numerically the same. Agesilaus held the right of his own army, and on

his extreme left lay the men of Orchomenus. On the opposite side the

Thebans themselves formed their own right and the Argives held their

left. While the two armies approached a deep silence prevailed on

either side, but when they were now a single furlong's (7) space apart

the Thebans quickened to a run, and, with a loud hurrah, dashed

forward to close quarters. And now there was barely a hundred yards (8)

between them, when Herippidas, with his foreign brigade, rushed

forward from the Spartan's battle lines to meet them. This brigade

consisted partly of troops which had served with Agesilaus ever since

he left home, with a portion of the Cyreians, besides Ionians,

Aeolians, and their neighbours on the Hellespont. All these took part

in the forward rush of the attack just mentioned, and coming within

spear-thrust they routed that portion of the enemy in front of them.

The Argives did not even wait for Agesilaus and his division, but fled

towards Helicon, and at that moment some of his foreign friends were

on the point of crowning Agesilaus with the wreath of victory, when

some one brought him word that the Thebans had cut through the

division from Orchomenus and were busy with the baggage-train.

Accordingly he at once deployed his division and advanced by

counter-march against them. The Thebans on their side, seeing that

their allies had scattered on Helicon, and eager to make their way

back to join their friends, began advancing sturdily.

(7) Lit. "a stade."

(8) Lit. "three plethra."

To assert that Agesilaus at this crisis displayed real valour is to

assert a thing indisputable, but for all that the course he adopted

was not the safest. It was open to him to let the enemy pass in their

effort to rejoin their friends, and that done to have hung upon their

heels and overmastered their rear ranks, but he did nothing of the

sort: what he did was, to crash front to front against the Thebans.

And so with shields interlocked they shoved and fought and fought and

shoved, dealing death and yielding life. There was no shouting, nor

yet was there even silence, but a strange and smothered utterance,

such as rage and battle vent. (9) At last a portion of the Thebans

forced their way through towards Helicon, but many were slain in that

departure.

(9) Or, "as the rage and fury of battle may give vent to." See

"Cyrop." VII. i. 38-40. A graphic touch omitted in "Hell." IV.

iii. 19.

Victory remained with Agesilaus. Wounded himself, they bore him back

to his own lines, when some of his troopers came galloping up to tell

him that eighty of the enemy had taken refuge with their arms (10)

under cover of the Temple, (11) and they asked what they ought to do.

He, albeit he had received wounds all over him, having been the mark

of divers weapons, did not even so forget his duty to God, and gave

orders to let them go whithersoever they chose, nor suffered them to

be ill-treated, but ordered his bodyguard of cavalry to escort them

out of reach of danger.

(10) I.e. "they had kept their arms."

(11) See Plut. "Ages." xix.; Paus. ix. 34.

And now that the battle had ceased, it was a sight to see where the

encounter took place, the earth bedabbled with gore, the dead lying

cheek by jowl, friend and foe together, and the great shields hacked

and broken to pieces, and the spears snapped asunder, the daggers

lying bare of sheaths, some on the ground, some buried in the bodies,

some still clutched in the dead men's hands. For the moment then,

seeing that it was already late in the day, they dragged together the

corpses of their slain apart from those of the enemy (12) and laid them

within the lines, and took their evening meal and slept; but early

next morning Agesilaus ordered Gylis, the polemarch, to marshal the

troops in battle order and to set up a trophy, while each man donned a

wreath in honour of the god, and the pipers piped. So they busied

themselves, but the Thebans sent a herald asking leave to bury their

dead under cover of a truce. And so it came to pass that a truce was

made, and Agesilaus departed homewards, having chosen, in lieu of

supreme greatness in Asia, to rule, and to be ruled, in obedience to

the laws at home.

(12) Reading, {tous ek ton polemion nekrous}, after Weiske.

It was after this (13) that his attention was drawn to the men of

Argos. They had appropriated Corinth, and were reaping the fruits of

their fields at home. The war to them was a merry jest. Accordingly he

marched against them; and having ravaged their territory throughout,

he crossed over by the pass (14) down upon Corinth and captured the

long walls leading to Lechaeum. And so having thrown open the gates of

Peloponnese he returned home in time for the Hyacinthia, (15) where, in

the post assigned to him by the master of the chorus, he shared in the

performance of the paean in honour of the god.

(13) B.C. 393.

(14) {kata ta stena}. See "Hell." IV. iv. 19. {kata Tenean}, according

to Koppen's emendation.

(15) See Grote, "H. G." v. 208; Herod. ix. 7; "Hell." IV. v. 10.

Later on, it being brought to his notice that the Corinthians were

keeping all their cattle safely housed in the Peiraeum, sowing the

whole of that district, and gathering in their crops; and, which was a

matter of the greatest moment, that the Boeotians, with Creusis as

their base of operations, could pour their succours into Corinth by

this route--he marched against Peiraeum. Finding it strongly guarded,

he made as if the city of Corinth were about to capitulate, and

immediately after the morning meal shifted his ground and encamped

against the capital. Under cover of night there was a rush from

Peiraeum to protect the city, which he was well aware of, and with

break of day he turned right about and took Peiraeum, defenceless as

it lay, capturing all that it contained, with the various fortresses

within; and having so done retired homewards.

After these exploits (16) the Achaeans were urgent for an alliance, and

begged him to join them in an expedition against Acarnania. In the

course of this the Acarnanians attacked him in a defile. Storming the

heights above his head with his light troops, (17) he gave them battle,

and slew many of them, and set up a trophy, nor stayed his hand until

he had united the Acarnanians, the Aetolians, and the Argives, (18) in

friendship with the Achaeans and alliance with himself.

(16) B.C. 390-389?

(17) See "Hell." IV. vi. 9-11, where it is expressly stated that the

action was won by the Spartan hoplites. See Hartman, "An. Xen."

(cap. xi. "De Agesilao libello"), p. 263, for other discrepancies

between the historian and the encomiast.

(18) See perhaps "Hell." IV. iv. 19; vii. 2 foll.

When the enemy, being desirous of peace, sent an embassy, it was

Agesilaus who spoke against the peace, (19) until he had forced the

states of Corinth and of Thebes to welcome back those of them who, for

Lacedaemon's sake, had suffered banishment.

(19) I.e. "of Antalcidas, B.C. 387." See "Hell." V. i. 36; Grote, "H.

G." ix. 537 note.

And still later, (20) again, he restored the exiles of the Phliasians,

who had suffered in the same cause, and with that object marched in

person against Phlius, a proceeding which, however liable to censure

on other grounds, showed unmistakable attachment to his party. (21)

(20) B.C. 383 and 380; see "Hell." V. ii. 10; iii. 10.

(21) See "Hell." V. iii. 16.

Thus, when the adverse faction had put to death those of the

Lacedaemonians then in Thebes, he brought succour to his friends, and

marched upon Thebes. (22) Finding the entire country fenced with ditch

and palisading, he crossed Cynoscephalae (23) and ravaged the district

right up to the city itself, giving the Thebans an opportunity of

engaging him in the plain or upon the hills, as they preferred. And

once more, in the ensuing year, (24) he marched against Thebes, and now

surmounting these palisades and entrenchments at Scolus, (25) he

ravaged the remainder of Boeotia.

(22) B.C. 378.

(23) See "Hell." V. iv. 34 foll.; for the site see Breitenbach, ad

loc.

(24) B.C. 377.

(25) See "Hell." V. iv. 47.

Hitherto fortune had smiled in common upon the king himself and upon

his city. And as for the disasters which presently befell, no one can

maintain that they were brought about under the leadership of

Agesilaus. But the day came when, after the disaster which had

occurred at Leuctra, the rival powers in conjunction with the

Mantineans fell to massacring his friends and adherents (26) in Tegea

(the confederacy between all the states of Boeotia, the Arcadians, and

the Eleians being already an accomplished fact). Thereupon, with the

forces of Lacedaemon alone, (27) he took the field, and thus belied the

current opinion that it would be a long while before the

Lacedaemonians ventured to leave their own territory again. Having

ravaged the country of those who had done his friends to death, he was

content, and returned home.

(26) Or intimates.

(27) B.C. 370. See "Hell."VI. v. 21.

After this Lacedaemon was invaded by the united Arcadians, Argives,

Eleians, and Boeotians, who were assisted by the Phocians, both

sections of the Locrians, the Thessalians, Aenianians, Acarnanians,

and Euboeans; moreover, the slaves had revolted and several of the

provincial cities; (28) while of the Spartans themselves as many had

fallen on the field of Leuctra as survived. But in spite of all, he

safely guarded the city, and that too a city without walls and

bulwarks. Forbearing to engage in the open field, where the gain would

lie wholly with the enemy, he lay stoutly embattled on ground where

the citizens must reap advantage; since, as he doggedly persisted, to

march out meant to be surrounded on every side; whereas to stand at

bay where every defile gave a coign of vantage, would give him mastery

complete. (29)

(28) Lit. "perioecid"; see Plut. "Ages." xxxii. (Clough, iv. 39);

"Hell." VI. v. 32.

(29) Is this parallel to "Hell." VII. v. 10, or "Hell." VI. v. 28?

According to the historian, Agesilaus adopted similar tactics on

both occasions (in B.C. 369 and B.C. 362 alike). The encomiast

after his manner appears to treat them as one. Once and again his

hero "cunctando restituit rem," but it was by the same strategy.

After the invading army had retired, no one will gainsay the sound

sense of his behaviour. Old age debarred him from active service on

foot or horse, and what the city chiefly needed now, he saw, was

money, if she looked to gain allies. To the task therefore of

providing that he set himself. Everything that could be done by

stopping at home he deftly turned his hand to; or when the call arose

and he could better help his country by departure he had no false

pride; he set off on foreign service, not as general, but as

ambassador. Yet on such embassy he achieved acts worthy of the

greatest general. Autophradates (30) was besieging Ariobarzanes, (31)

who was an ally of Sparta, in Assos; but before the face of Agesilaus

he fled in terror and was gone. Cotys, (32) besieging Sestos, which

still adhered to Ariobarzanes, broke up the siege and departed

crestfallen. Well might the ambassador have set up a trophy in

commemoration of the two bloodless victories. Once more, Mausolus (33)

was besieging both the above-named places with a squadron of one

hundred sail. He too, like, and yet unlike, the former two, yielded

not to terror but to persuasion, and withdrew his fleet. These, then,

were surely admirable achievements, since those who looked upon him as

a benefactor and those who fled from before him both alike made him

the richer by their gifts.

(30) Satrap of Lydia.

(31) Satrap of Propontis or Hellespontine Phrygia.

(32) Satrap of Paphlagonia, king of Thrace. Iphicrates married his

daughter. See Grote, "H. G." x. 410.

(33) Satrap of Caria.

Tachos, (34) indeed, and Mausolus gave him a magnificent escort; and,

for the sake of his former friendship with Agesilaus, the latter

contributed also money for the state of Lacedaemon; and so they sped

him home.

(34) King of Egypt.

And now the weight of, may be, fourscore years was laid upon him, (35)

when it came under his observation that the king of Egypt, (36) with

his hosts of foot and horse and stores of wealth, had set his heart on

a war with Persia. Joyfully he learned that he himself was summoned by

King Tachos, and that the command-in-chief of all the forces was

promised to him. By this one venture he would achieve three objects,

which were to requite the Egyptian for the benefits conferred on

Lacedaemon; to liberate the Hellenes in Asia once again; and to

inflict on the Persian a just recompense, not only for the old

offences, but for this which was of to-day; seeing that, while

boasting alliance with Sparta, he had dictatorially enjoined the

emancipation of Messene. (37) But when the man who had summoned him

refused to confer the proffered generalship, Agesilaus, like one on

whom a flagrant deception has been practised, began to consider the

part he had to play. Meanwhile a separate division (38) of the Egyptian

armies held aloof from their king. Then, the disaffection spreading,

all the rest of his troops deserted him; whereat the monarch took

flight and retired in exile to Sidon in Phoenicia, leaving the

Egyptians, split in faction, to choose to themselves a pair of

kings. (39) Thereupon Agesilaus took his decision. If he helped

neither, it meant that neither would pay the service-money due to his

Hellenes, that neither would provide a market, and that, whichever of

the two conquered in the end, Sparta would be equally detested. But if

he threw in his lot with one of them, that one would in all likelihood

in return for the kindness prove a friend. Accordingly he chose

between the two that one who seemed to be the truer partisan of

Hellas, and with him marched against the enemy of Hellas and conquered

him in a battle, crushing him. His rival he helped to establish on the

throne, and having made him a friend to Lacedaemon, and having

acquired vast sums besides, he turned and set sail homewards, even in

mid-winter, hastening so that Sparta might not lie inactive, but

against the coming summer be alert to confront the foe.

(35) Or, "But to pass on, he was already, may be, eighty years of age,

when it came under his observation...."

(36) This same Tachos.

(37) See "Hell." VII. i. 36; iv. 9.

(38) I.e. "the army under Nectanebos." See Diod. xv. 92; Plut. "Ages."

xxxvii. (Clough, iv. 44 foll.)

(39) I.e. "Nectanebos and a certain Mendesian."

III

Such, then, is the chronicle of this man's achievements, or of such of

them as were wrought in the presence of a thousand witnesses. Being of

this sort they have no need of further testimony; the mere recital of

them is sufficient, and they at once win credence. But now I will

endeavour to reveal the excellence indwelling in his soul, the motive

power of his acts, in virtue of which he clung to all things

honourable and thrust aside all baseness.

Agesilaus showed such reverence for things divine that even his

enemies regarded his oaths and solemn treaties as more to be relied on

than the tie of friendship amongst themselves. These same men, who

would shrink from too close intercourse with one another, delivered

themselves into the hands of Agesilaus without fear. And lest the

assertion should excite discredit, I may name some illustrious

examples. Such was Spithridates the Persian, who knew that

Pharnabazus, (1) whilst negotiating to marry the daughter of the great

king, was minded to seize his own daughter unwedded. Resenting such

brutality, Spithridates delivered up himself, his wife, his children,

and his whole power, into the hands of Agesilaus. Cotys (2) also, the

ruler of Paphlagonia, had refused to obey a summons from the king,

although he sent him the warrant of his right hand; (3) then fear came

upon him lest he should be seized, and either be heavily fined or die

the death; yet he too, simply trusting to an armistice, came to the

camp of Agesilaus and made alliance, and of his own accord chose to

take the field with Agesilaus, bringing a thousand horsemen and two

thousand targeteers. Lastly, Pharnabazus (4) himself came and held

colloquy with Agesilaus, and openly agreed that if he were not himself

appointed general-in-chief of the royal forces he would revolt from

the king. "Whereas, if I do become general," he added, "I mean to make

war upon you, Agesilaus, might and main," thus revealing his

confidence that, say what he might, nothing would befall him contrary

to the terms of truce. Of so intrinsic a value to all, and not least

to a general in the field, is the proud possession of an honest and

God-fearing character, known and recognised. Thus far, as touching the

quality of piety.

(1) See "Hell." III. iv. 10; Plut. "Ages." xi. (Clough, iv. 9).

(2) See "Hell." IV. i. 3; Plut. "Ages." xi. (Clough, iv. 13).

(3) Diod. xvi. 34.

(4) See "Hell." IV. i. 37.

IV

To speak next of his justice (1) in affairs of money. As to this, what

testimony can be more conclusive than the following? During the whole

of his career no charge of fraudulent dealing was ever lodged against

Agesilaus; against which set the many-voiced acknowledgment of

countless benefits received from him. A man who found pleasure in

giving away his own for the benefit of others was not the man to rob

another of his goods at the price of infamy. Had he suffered from this

thirst for riches it would have been easier to cling to what belonged

to him than to take that to which he had no just title. This man, who

was so careful to repay debts of gratitude, where (2) the law knows no

remedy against defaulters, was not likely to commit acts of robbery

which the law regards as criminal. And as a matter of act Agesilaus

judged it not only wrong to forgo repayment of a deed of kindness,

but, where the means were ample, wrong also not to repay such debts

with ample interest.

(1) See Muller and Donaldson, "Hist. Gk. Lit." ii. 196, note 2.

(2) Or, "a state of indebtedness beyond the reach of a tribunal." See

"Cyrop." I. ii. 7.

The charge of embezzlement, could it be alleged, would no less outrage

all reason in the case of one who made over to his country the benefit

in full of grateful offerings owed solely to himself. Indeed the very

fact that, when he wished to help the city or his friends with money,

he might have done so by the aid of others, goes a long way to prove

his indifference to the lure of riches; since, had he been in the

habit of selling his favour, or of playing the part of benefactor for

pay, there had been no room for a sense of indebtedness. (3) It is only

the recipient of gratuitous kindness who is ever ready to minister to

his benefactor, both in return for the kindness itself and for the

confidence implied in his selection as the fitting guardian of a good

deed on deposit. (4)

(3) Or, "no one would have felt to owe him anything."

(4) See "Cyrop." VI. i. 35; Rutherford, "New Phrynichus," p. 312.

Again, who more likely to put a gulf impassable between himself and

the sordid love of gain (5) than he, who nobly preferred to be stinted

of his dues (6) rather than snatch at the lion's share unjustly? It is

a case in point that, being pronounced by the state to be the rightful

heir to his brother's (7) wealth, he made over one half to his maternal

relatives because he saw that they were in need; and to the truth of

this assertion all Lacedaemon is witness. What, too, was his answer to

Tithraustes when the satrap offered him countless gifts if he would

but quit the country?"Tithraustes, with us it is deemed nobler for a

ruler to enrich his army than himself; it is expected of him to wrest

spoils from the enemy rather than take gifts."

(5) Or, "base covetousness."

(6) Or reading, {sun auto to gennaio} (with Breitenbach), "in

obedience to pure generosity." See "Cyrop." VIII. iii. 38.

(7) I.e. Agis. See Plut. "Ages." iv.

V

Or again, reviewing the divers pleasures which master human beings, I

defy any one to name a single one to which Agesilaus was enslaved:

Agesilaus, who regarded drunkenness as a thing to hold aloof from like

madness, and immoderate eating like the snare of indolence. Even the

double portion (1) allotted to him at the banquet was not spent on his

own appetite; rather would he make distribution of the whole,

retaining neither portion for himself. In his view of the matter this

doubling of the king's share was not for the sake of surfeiting, but

that the king might have the wherewithal to honour whom he wished. And

so, too, sleep (2) he treated not as a master, but as a slave,

subservient to higher concerns. The very couch he lay upon must be

sorrier than that of any of his company or he would have blushed for

shame, since in his opinion it was the duty of a leader to excel all

ordinary mortals in hardihood, not in effeminacy. Yet there were

things in which he was not ashamed to take the lion's share, as, for

example, the sun's heat in summer, or winter's cold. Did occasion ever

demand of his army moil and toil, he laboured beyond all others as a

thing of course, believing that such ensamples are a consolation to

the rank and file. Or, to put the patter compendiously, Agesilaus

exulted in hard work: indolence he utterly repudiated.

(1) See "Pol. Lac." xv. 4. See J. J. Hartman, "An. Xen." 257.

(2) See Hom. "Il." ii. 24, {ou khro pannukhion eudein boulephoron

andra}, "to sleep all night through beseemeth not one that is a

counsellor."--W. Leaf.

And, as touching the things of Aphrodite, if for nothing else, at any

rate for the marvel of it, the self-restraint of the man deserves to

be put on record. It is easy to say that to abstain from that which

excites no desire is but human; yet in the case of Megabates, the son

of Spithridates, he was moved by as genuine a love as any passionate

soul may feel for what is lovely. Now, it being a national custom

among the Persians to salute those whom they honour with a kiss,

Megabates endeavoured so to salute Agesilaus, but the latter with much

show of battle, resisted--"No kiss might he accept." (3) I ask whether

such an incident does not reveal on the face of it the self-respect of

the man, and that of no vulgar order. (4) Megabates, who looked upon

himself as in some sense dishonoured, for the future endeavoured not

to offend in like sort again. (5) Whereupon Agesilaus appealed to one

who was his comrade to persuade Megabates again to honour him with his

regard; and the comrade, so appealed to, demanding, "If I persuade

him, will you bestow on him a kiss?" Agesilaus fell into a silence,

but presently exclaimed: "No, by the Twins, not if I might this very

instant become the swiftest-footed, strongest, and handsomest of

men. (6) And as to that battle I swear by all the gods I would far

rather fight it over again than that everything on which I set my eyes

might turn to gold." (7)

(3) See Plut. "Ages." (Clough, iv. p. 13 foll.)

(4) Reading, {kai lian gennikon}; or, "a refinement of self-respect,"

"a self-respect perhaps even over-sensitive."

(5) Lit. "made no further attempt to offer kisses."

(6) See Plut. "Ages." ii. (Clough, iv. p. 2): "He is said to have been

a little man of a contemptible presence."

(7) See Plut. "Ages." xi. (Clough, iv. p. 14); "Parall. Min." v; Ovid.

"Met." xi. 102 foll.

What construction some will put upon the story I am well aware, but

for myself I am persuaded that many more people can master their

enemeis than the foes we speak of. (8) Doubtless such incidents when

known to but few may well be discredited by many, but here we are in

the region of establishing facts, seeing that the more illustrious a

man is the less can his every act escape notice. As to Agesilaus no

eye-witness has ever reported any unworthy behaviour, nor, had he

invented it, would his tale have found credence, since it was not the

habit of the king, when abroad, to lodge apart in private houses. He

always lay up in some sacred place, where behaviour of the sort was

out of the question, or else in public, with the eyes of all men

liable to be called as witnesses to his sobriety. For myself, if I

make these statements falsely against the knowledge of Hellas, this

were not in any sense to praise my hero, but to dispraise myself.

(8) Or, "than the seductions in question."

VI

Nor, in my opinion, were those obscure proofs of courage and true

manliness which he furnished by his readiness ever to wage war against

the strongest enemies, whether of Sparta or of Hellas, placing himself

in the forefront of the contests decided on. If the enemy cared to

join issue in fair field he would not chance upon a victory won by

panic, but in stubborn battle, blow for blow, he mastered him; and set

up trophies worthy of the name, seeing that he left behind him

imperishable monuments of prowess, and bore away on his own body

indelible marks of the fury with which he fought; (1) so that, apart

from hearsay, by the evidence of men's eyes his valour stood approved.

(1) Or, "visible signs of the spirit," etc. See Plut. "Ages." xxxvi.

And amongst these we must not deem them trophies alone which he

actually set up, but reckon the many campaigns which he undertook,

since they were victories truly, even when the enemy refused to

encounter him, victories devoid of danger, yet fraught with even more

solid advantage to the state of Sparta and her fellow-combatants; just

as in our games we crown as victor him who walks over the field (2) no

less than him who conquers by dint of battle.

(2) Or, "without striking a blow." Lit. "without the dust of the

arena, 'sine pulvere.'" See Thuc. iv. 73, {akoniti}.

And to speak next of his wisdom, (3) I suppose there is not one of all

his doings but must illustrate it;--this man whose bearing towards his

fatherland was such that by dint of implicit obedience (he grew to so

greate a height of power), (4) whose zeal in the service of his

comrades won for him the unhesitating attachment of his friends, who

infused into the hearts of his soldiers a spirit, not of discipline

only, but of self-devotion to their chief. And yet surely that is the

strongest of all battle-lines (5) in which obedience creates tactical

efficiency, and alacrity in the field springs out of loyal affection

for the general.

(3) Or, "his sagacity."

(4) The words {pleiston iskhue} are supplied from Plutarch ("Ages."

iv.), who quotes the passage, "What Xenophon tells us of him, that

by complying with, and, as it were, ruled by his country, he grew

into such great power with them, that he could do what he pleased,

is meant," etc. (Clough, iv. p. 4). The lacuna in the MS. was

first noted, I believe, by Weiske. See Breitenbach's note ad loc.

(5) See "Cyrop." VII. i. 30; "Econ." xxi. 7.

Enemies he had to cope with, who had little excuse to disparage,

however much they might be compelled to hate their opponent, seeing

that he was for ever contriving to give his allies some advantage over

them--by sheer deception, if occasion offered; now anticipating them

if speed were requisite; now skulking in corners if concealment

served; in all points observing one rule of behaviour to his friends

and another towards his foes. By turning night into day and day into

night (6) he drew so close a veil of mystery over his movements that

frequently there was no saying where he was, or whither he would go,

or what he might do next. The fastnesses of the enemy he transformed

into so many weaknesses, (7) passing this one by, and scaling that, and

stealing like a thief into a third.

(6) See "Hell." VI. i. 15; "Pol. Lac." v. 7; "Cyrop." I. v. 12.

(7) Or, "the strongholds of the enemy might to all intents and

purposes have been open places."

When he was on the march, and was well aware that an enemy might, if

he chose, deliver battle, his habit was to lead his troops in compact

battle order ready to confront emergencies, with soft, slow step,

advancing, as it were, with maidenly demureness, (8) for in such

procedure, as he believed, lay the secret of true calm, engendering a

dauntless self-assurance, imperturbable, unerring, impervious to

treacherous assault. Therefore by such behaviour he was a terror to

the enemy, whilst he infused courage and strength in the hearts of his

friends, so that throughout his life he continued to be a man whom his

foes dared not despise, whom his fellow-citizens cared not to arraign,

within the circle of his friends held blameless, the idol and

admiration of the outer world. (9)

(8) See above, ii. 3; "Pol. Lac." iii. 5.

(9) Cf. Tacitus's phrase concerning Titus, "deliciae humani generis."

VII

To describe his patriotism (1) point by point in detail were a tedious

story, since, as I suppose, there is not one of his several

achievements but must finally resolve itself into that. For, to put it

briefly, we all know well that where Agesilaus expected in any way to

benefit his country there was no toil he shrank from, no danger he

avoided, no money he stinted, no excuse whether of age or body he

admitted, but deemed it ever the true function of a good king (2) to

shower blessings to the utmost on the subjects of his rule.

(1) Lit. "love for his own city."

(2) Or, "regarded it as the cardinal virtue of a real prince." See

"Mem." III. ii. 3.

And for my part I hold it as chief among the magnificent benefits so

conferred by him upon his country that, being the most powerful member

of the state, he made no secret of his absolute submission to the

laws, (3) since what lesser man, seeing the king's obedience, would

take (4) on himself to disobey? Who, in discontentment at his own poor

lot, would venture on revolution, knowing that the king himself could

condescend to constitutional control? And that, too, a king who bore

himself towards political opponents with a paternal mildness. (5) If he

rebuked them sharply for their misdemeanours, he none the less

honoured their high endeavours, and proved himself a present help to

them in time of trouble. (6) No citizen could be his personal foe; of

that he was assured. His desire was to commend them one and all alike,

counting the common salvation of all a gain, and reckoning it as a

loss if even a mean man perished. For thus he reasoned, nor made a

secret of the conclusion he had come to: so long as her citizens

continued tranquilly adherent to the laws the happiness of Sparta was

secure. (7) And for the rest Sparta would once again be strong on that

day when the states of Hellas should learn wisdom.

(3) Or, "he was at the same time the most obvious in his allegiance to

the laws."

(4) Lit. "would have taken on himself... would have ventured on

revolution."

(5) Lit. "as a father to his children."

(6) Or, "and was ready to stand by their side in time of trouble."

(7) Or, "For this was the clear tenor of his thought, that by tranquil

continuance within the laws the citizens of Sparta might secure

her happiness. And as to power, Sparta, etc." See "Mem." II. vi.

27.

And if, by admission, it is noble for every Hellene to be a lover of

his fellow-Hellenes, yet we must fare far afield to find another

instance of a general who, expecting to sack some city, would have

refused to seize the prize; or who regarded victory in a war waged

against fellow-Hellenes as a species of calamity. Yet this man when a

message was brought him concerning the battle at Corinth, (8) in which

but eight Lacedaemonians had fallen, but of their opponents ten

thousand nearly, showed no sign of exultation, but sighed, saying,

"Alas for Hellas! since those who now lie in their graves, were able,

had they lived, to conquer the hosts of Asia." (9) Again, when some

Corinthian exiles informed him that their city was ripe for surrender,

and showed him the engines by which they were confident they would

take the walls, he refused to make the assault, saying that Hellene

cities ought not to be reduced to slavery, but brought back to a

better mind, (10) and added, "For if we lop off our offending members,

haply we may deprive ourselves of the means to master the barbarians."

(8) B.C. 394. See "Hell." IV. ii. 9-23; Diod. xiv. 83; Grote, "H. G."

ix. 429.

(9) Lit. "all the barbarians."

(10) See "Econ." i. 23.

Again, if it is a sacred duty to hate the Persian, who of old set out

on a campaign to enslave Hellas; the Persian, who to-day makes

alliance with these (no matter to him which the party, provided it

will help him to work the greater mischief (11)); or gives presents to

those (who will take them and do the greatest harm to his foes the

Hellenes); or else concocts a peace that shall presently involve us in

internecine war, as he anticipates:--but why dwell on facts so patent?

--I ask, did ever Hellene before Agesilaus so enter heart and soul

upon his duty; whether it were to help some tribe to throw off the

Persian yoke, or to save from destruction a revolted district, or if

nothing else, at any rate to saddle the Persian with such troubles of

his own that he should cease to trouble Hellas? An ardent hater of

Persia surely was he, who, when his own country was at war with

Hellenes, did not neglect the common good of Hellas, but set sail to

wreak what harm he might upon the barbarians. (12)

(11) Or, "the worse the mischief he can work, the better the side."

(12) See Isocr. "Ep." ix. "To Archidamus," S. 11-14.

VIII

To turn to another side, that grace of manner which was his, claims

more than passing recognition. Here was a man to whom honour was

vouchsafed and power present, and who, to crown all else, held in his

hands the sceptre of sovereignty--a kingship not plotted against, but

respected and beloved. Yet there was no trace of arrogance to be seen

in him, but of tender affection and courteous service to his friends

proof in abundance without seeking. Witness the zest with which he

shared in the round of lovers' talk; (1) the zeal with which he threw

himself into the serious concerns (2) of friends. By dint of a hopeful

and cheery disposition and unflagging gaiety of heart he attracted to

his side a throng of visitors, who came, not simply for the

transaction of some private interest, but rather to pass away the day

in pleasant sort. Though little apt himself to use high-swelling

words, it did not annoy him to hear others sounding their own praises,

which he regarded as a harmless weakness, the pledge at least of high

endeavour (3) in the future.

(1) See "Hell." V. iii. 20; "Cyrop." I. iv. 27; "Econ." ii. 7; Plut.

"Ages." ii.; xx.; Lyc. xx.

(2) Or, "he would discuss graver matters, according to the humour of

his friends."

(3) Or, "of courageous conduct," "noble manhood."

But that he was capable of lofty sentiment and at the right season

must not be overlooked. Thus when a letter reached him from the king

(I speak of that which was brought by the Persian agent in company

with Calleas (4) of Lacedaemon, proposing terms of hospitality and

friendship with the Persian monarch), he disdained to accept it,

telling the bearer to take back to the king this answer: "He need not

be at pains to send him letters in private, but if he could prove

himself a friend to Lacedaemon and the well-wisher of Hellas he should

have no cause to blame the ardour of his friendship," but added, "if

your king be detected plotting, let him not think to find a friend in

me. No, not if he sends me a thousand letters." For my part, then, I

hold it praiseworthy that, by comparison with pleasing his

fellow-Hellenes, Agesilaus scorned such friendship. And this, too, among

his tenets I find admirable: the truer title to self-congratulation

belonged not to the millionaire, the master of many legions, but to him

rather, who, being himself a better man, commanded the allegiance of

better followers.

(4) See "Hell." IV. i. 15; Plut. "Apophth. Lac." p. 777; Grote, "H.

G." x. 402.

And this, in proof of mental forecast, I must needs praise in him.

Holding to the belief that the more satraps there were who revolted

from the king the surer the gain to Hellas, he did not suffer himself

to be seduced, either by gifts or by the mightiness in his power, to

be drawn into bonds of friendship with the king, but took precaution

rather not to abuse their confidence who were willing to revolt.

And lastly, as beyond all controversy admirable, note this contrast:

First, the Persian, who, believing that in the multitude of his riches

he had power to lay all things under his feet, would fain have swept

into his coffers all the gold and all the silver of mankind: for him,

and him alone, the costliest and most precious things of earth. And

then this other, who contrariwise so furnished his establishment as to

be totally independent of every adventitious aid. (5) And if any one

doubts the statement, let him look and see with what manner of

dwelling-place he was contented; let him view the palace doors: these

are the selfsame doors, he might well imagine, which Aristodemus, (6)

the great-great-grandson of Heracles, took and set up in the days of

the return. Let him endeavour to view the furniture inside; there he

will perceive how the king feasted on high holy days; and he will hear

how the king's own daughter was wont to drive to Amyclae in a public

basket-carriage. (7) Thus it was that by the adjustment of expenditure

to income he was never driven to the commission of any unjust deed for

money's sake. And yet if it be a fine thing to hold a fortress

impregnable to attack, I count it a greater glory that a man should

hold the fortress of his soul inviolable against the assaults of

riches, pleasures, fears.

(5) Or, "of all such external needs."

(6) See Herod. vi. 52.

(7) See Plut. "Ages." xix. (Clough, iv. p. 23); the words {e thugater

autou} were supplied from this passage by Casaubon.

IX

I will here state to what extent the style of living which he

presented stands out in striking contrast to the ostentatious manner

of the Persian. (1) In the first place, if the latter made a solemn

affectation of being but seldom seen, Agesilaus delighted to live in

the eye of day, believing that seclusion might accord well enough as a

screen for shameless conduct, but to a life of nobleness and beauty (2)

heaven's light added new ornament. (3) And next, if the one prided

himself on being unapproachable, the other rejoiced in being

accessible to all the world; the one, with his airs and graces, was

pleased to transact business slowly, the other was never so happy as

when he could satisfy the demands of a petitioner without waste of

time. (4)

(1) Or, "how he presented his own manner in antithesis to the false

pretences of the Persian." For {alazoneia} see "Mem." I. vii. 1;

Aristot. "N. E." iv. 7; Theophr. "Char." vi.

(2) Lit. "a life striving towards beauteousness."

(3) Or, "added but greater lustre."

(4) Lit. "could satisfy and dismiss his petitioners without delay."

Again, it is worthy of observation how much easier and simpler to

satisfy was the standard of comfort which the Spartan aimed at. (5) For

the Persian, men must compass sea and land to discover some beverage

which he will care to drink; he needs ten thousand pastrycooks to

supply the kick-shaws he will deign to eat; and to procure him the

blessing of sleep no tongue can describe what a world of trouble must

be taken. But Agesilaus was a lover of toil, and therefore not so

dainty; the meanest beverage was sweet to his lips, and pleasant

enough to his taste was the chance fare of the moment; and for the

purpose of refreshing slumber every place alike conducive. It was not

merely that to fare thus gave him pure pleasure, but in the sense of

contrast lay a double satisfaction. Here was he roaming earth freely

in the midst of a world of delight, (6) and there lay the Persian,

under his eyes, who to escape a life of pain must drag together from

the uttermost parts of earth the separate ingredients for his

pleasure. It was another source of joy that to himself it was given to

confront the appointed order of the universe (7) without pain; while

through weakness of soul his rival, it was plain to see, was driven to

flee away from heat and cold, and to shape his life, not by the

pattern of brave men, but of some mean and defenceless animal. (8)

(5) See Herod. i. 135, for the luxury of the Persians and for the

refinements of civilisation. See "Mem." II. i. 10; "Cyrop." VIII.

i. 40.

(6) Or, "in a round of festivity."

(7) See Plut. "Ages." xiv. (Clough, iv. p. 17); "Apophth. Lac." p.

102; Eur. "Supp." 214, 215.

{de ou truphomen, theou kataskeuen bio

dontos toiauten, oisin ouk arkei tade};

(8) Or, "the most defenceless of God's creatures." Lit. "the weakest

of animals."

And what a fine trait this was in him, and betokening how lofty a

sentiment, that, being content to adorn his own house with works and

possessions suited to a man, and being devoted to the breeding of dogs

and horses in large numbers for the chase and warfare, he persuaded

his sister Cynisca to rear chariot horses, (9) and thus by her

victory (10) showed that to keep a stud of that sort, however much it

might be a mark of wealth, was hardly a proof of manly virtue. And

surely in the following opinion we may discern plainly the generosity

of him who entertained it. To win victories over private persons in a

chariot race does not add one tittle to a man's renown. He, rather,

who holds his city dear beyond all things else, who has himself sunk

deep into the heart of her affections, who has obtained to himself all

over the world a host of friends and those the noblest, who can outdo

his country and comrades alike in the race of kindliness, and his

antagonists in vengeance--such a man may, in a true sense, be said to

bear away the palm of victory in conquests noble and magnificent;

living and in death to him belongs transcendent fame.

(9) I.e. "for the games."

(10) I.e. "at Olympia." Cynisca, according to Pausanias (iii. 8), was

the first woman who won a prize at Olympia. See also Plut. "Ages."

xx. (Clough, iv. p. 23).

X

It is as possessiong qualities such as these that I praise Agesilaus.

And in these matters he was not like a man who chances upon a treasure

and thereby becomes wealthier, albeit none the more skilful in

economy; nor yet like him who, when a plague has fallen upon an enemy,

wrests a victory, whereby he may add to his reputation for success,

but not for strategy. Rather was his example that of one who in each

emergency will take the lead; at a crisis where toil is needful, by

endurance; or in the battle-lists of bravery by prowess; or when the

function of the counsellor is uppermost, by the soundness of his

judgment. Of such a man I say, he has obtained by warrant indefeasible

the title peerless.

And if, as a means towards good workmanship, we count among the noble

inventions of mankind the rule and the plummet, (1) no less happily

shall we, who desire to attain a manly excellence, find in the virtue

of Agesilaus a pattern and example. He was God-fearing, he was just in

all his dealings, sound of soul and self-controlled. How then shall we

who imitate him become his opposite, unholy, unjust, tyrannical,

licentious? And, truth to say, this man prided himself, not so much on

being a king over others as on ruling himself, (2) not so much on

leading his citizens to attack the enemy as on guiding them to embrace

all virtue.

(1) See Aeschin. "c. Ctes." p. 52, 25; Plat. "Phileb." 56 B.

(2) See Plut. "Apophth. Lac." p. 104.

Yet let it not be supposed, because he whom we praise has finished

life, that our discourse must therefore be regarded as a funeral

hymn. (3) Far rather let it be named a hymn of praise, since in the

first place it is only the repetition, now that he is dead, of a tale

familiar to his ears when living. And in the next place, what is more

remote from dirge and lamentation than a life of glory crowned by

seasonable death? What more deserving of song and eulogy than

resplendent victories and deeds of highest note? Surely if one man

rather than another may be accounted truly blest, it is he who, from

his boyhood upwards, thirsted for glory, and beyond all contemporary

names won what he desired; who, being gifted with a nature most

emulous of honour, remained from the moment he was king unconquered;

who attained the fullest term of mortal life and died without

offence (4) committed, whether as concerning those at whose head he

marched, or as towards those others against whom he fought in war.

(3) See Symonds' "Greek Poets," ch. v.

(4) As to the word {anamartetos} so translated, see Breitenbach, Exc.

ad x. 4 of his edition.

XI

It only remains for me, under the form of headings, (1) to review the

topic of this great man's virtue, in hopes that thus his eulogy may

cling to the memory more lastingly.

(1) Or, as others think, "in a summary."

Agesilaus reverenced the shrines and sacred places even of the enemy.

We ought, he said, to make the gods our allies on hostile no less than

on friendly soil.

He would do no violence to a suppliant, no, not even if he were his

own foe; since how irrational must it be to stigmatise robbers of

temples as sacrilegious and yet to regard him who tears the suppliant

from the altar as a pious person.

One tenet he never wearied of repeating: the gods, he said, are not

less pleased with holy deeds than with pure victims.

In the day of his prosperity his thoughts were not raised higher than

befits a man; he gave thanks to the gods; and offered more victims

when he had nothing to fear than he registered vows in time of

apprehension.

He was accustomed in the midst of anxiety to wear an aspect of gaiety,

but, when the victory was won, of gentleness.

Amongst friends his warmest greeting was reserved, not for the most

powerful, but for the most ardent; and if he hated, it was not him

who, being evil entreated, retaliated, but one who, having had

kindness done to him, seemed incapable of gratitude.

He rejoiced when sordid greed was rewarded with poverty; and still

more if he might himself enrich a righteous man, since his wish was to

render uprightness more profitable than iniquity.

He made it a practice to associate with all kinds of people, but to be

intimate only with the best.

As he listened to the praise of this man, or the censure of another,

he felt that he learnt quite as much about the character of the

speakers themselves as of those whom they discussed.

To be cheated by a friend was scarcely censurable, but he could find

no condemnation strong enough for him who was outwitted by a foe. Or

again, to dupe the incredulous might argue wit, but to take in the

unsuspecting was veritably a crime.

The praise of a critic who had courage to point out his defects

pleased him; and plainness of speech excited in him no hostility. It

was against the cunning rather of the secretive person that he guarded

himself, as against a hidden snare.

The calumniator he detested more than the robber or the thief, in

proportion as the loss of friends is greater than the loss of

money. (2)

(2) Mr. R. W. Taylor aptly quotes "Othello," III. iii. 157--

"Who steals my purse steals trash; 'tis something, nothing;

'Twas mine, 'tis his, and has been slave to thousands;

But he that filches from me my good name

Robs me of that which not enriches him

And makes me poor indeed."

The errors of private persons he bore with gently, but those of rulers

he looked upon as grave; since the mischief wrought in the one case

was so small, and so large in the other. The proper attribute of

royalty was, he maintained, not an avoidance of responsibility, but a

constant striving after nobleness. (3)

(3) On the word {kalokagathia} so translated, see Demosth. 777, 5.

Whilst he would not suffer any image (4) of his bodily form to be set

up (though many wished to present him with a statue), he never ceased

elaborating what should prove the monument of his spirit, holding that

the former is the business of a statuary, the latter of one's self.

Wealth might procure the one, he said, but only a good man could

produce the other.

(4) See Plut. "Ages." ii. (Clough, iv. p. 2); also Plut. "Ap. Lac." p.

115; ib. p. 103; Cic. "ad Div." V. xii. 7.

As for riches, he employed them not with justice merely, but with

liberality, holding that for a just man it is sufficient if he let

alone the things of others, but of a liberal man it is required that

he should take of his own and give to supply another's needs.

He was ever subject to religious fear, (5) believing that no man during

his lifetime, however well he lives, can be counted happy; it is only

he who has ended his days with glory of whom it can be said that he

has attained at last to blessedness. (6)

(5) See "Cyr." III. iii. 58, and for the word {deisidaimon}, see Jebb,

"Theophr. Char." p. 263 foll.; Mr. Ruskin, Preface to "Bibl.

Past." vol. i. p. xxv.

(6) See Herod. i. 34; Soph. "Oed. Tyr." 1529; and Prof. Jebb's note ad

loc.

In his judgment it was a greater misfortune to neglect things good and

virtuous, knowing them to be so, than in ignorance. Nor was he

enamoured of any reputation, the essentials of which he had not

laboriously achieved. (7)

(7) Or, "for which he did not qualify himself by the appropriate

labour."

He was one of the small band, as it seemed to me, who regard virtue,

not as a thing to be patiently endured, (8) but as a supreme enjoyment.

At any rate, to win the praise of mankind gave him a deeper pleasure

than the acquisition of wealth; and he preferred to display courage

far rather in conjunction with prudence than with unnecessary risks,

and to cultivate wisdom in action more than by verbal discussion.

(8) Or, "as a system of stoical endurance," "a kind of stoicism." But

we must not let Xenophon, who is a Socratic, talk of the Stoa. If

we knew certainly that the chapter was a much later production,

the language would be appropriate enough.

Very gentle to his friends, to his enemies he was most terrible.

Whilst he could hold out against toil and trouble with the best,

nothing pleased him better than yielding to his comrades. But passion

was kindled in him by beauty of deed rather than of person. (9)

(9) Or, "beauteous deeds rather than bodily splendour."

Skilled in the exercise of self-command in the midst of external

welfare, he could be stout of heart enough in stress of danger.

Urbanity he practised, not with jest and witticism, but by the

courtesy of his demeanour.

In spite of a certain haughtiness, he was never overbearing, but rich

in saving common sense. At any rate, while pouring contempt upon

arrogance, he bore himself more humbly than the most ordinary man. In

fact, what he truly took a pride in was the simplicity of his own

attire, in contrast with the splendid adornment of his troops; or,

again, in the paucity of his own wants, combined with a bountiful

liberality towards his friends.

Besides all this, as an antagonist he could hit hard enough, but no

one ever bore a lighter hand when the victory was won. (10)

(10) Lit. "he was the heaviest of antagonists and the lightest of

conquerors."

The same man, whom an enemy would have found it hard to deceive, was

pliability itself in the concerns of his friends. Whilst for ever

occupied in laying these on a secure foundation, he made it a

ceaseless task to baffle the projects of the national foe.

The epithets applied to him are significant. His relatives found in

him a kinsman who was more than kind. To his intimates he appeared as

a friend in need who is a friend indeed. To the man who had done him

some service, of tenacious memory. To the victim of injustice, a

knight-errant. And to those who had incurred danger by his side, a

saviour second only to the gods.

It was given to this man, as it appears to me, to prove exceptionally

that though strength of body may wax old the vigour of a man's soul is

exempt from eld. Of him, at any rate, it is true that he never shrank

from the pursuit of great and noble objects, so long as (11) his body

was able to support the vigour of his soul. Therefore his old age

appeared mightier than the youth of other people. It would be hard to

discover, I imagine, any one who in the prime of manhood was as

formidable to his foes as Agesilaus when he had reached the limit of

mortal life. Never, I suppose, was there a foeman whose removal came

with a greater sense of relief to the enemy than that of Agesilaus,

though a veteran when he died. Never was there a leader who inspired

stouter courage in the hearts of fellow-combatants than this man with

one foot planted in the grave. Never was a young man snatched from a

circle of loving friends with tenderer regret than this old graybeard.

(11) Reading, {megalon kai kalon ephiemenos, eos kai to soma, k.t.l.}

See Breitenbach.

The benefactor of his fatherland, absolutely to the very end; with

bounteous hand, even in the arms of death, dealing out largesse (12) to

the city which he loved. And so they bore him home to his eternal

resting-place; (13) this hero, who, having raised to himself many a

monument of his valour over the broad earth, came back to find in the

land of his fathers a sepulture worthy of a king. (14)

(12) See above, ii. 31.

(13) See for this remarkable phrase, Diod. i. 51.

(14) See "Pol. Lac." xv. 9.