Anabasis

ANABASIS

By Xenophon

Translation by H. G. Dakyns

Dedicated To

Rev. B. Jowett, M.A.

Master of Balliol College

Regius Professor of Greek in the University of Oxford

Xenophon the Athenian was born 431 B.C. He was a

pupil of Socrates. He marched with the Spartans,

and was exiled from Athens. Sparta gave him land

and property in Scillus, where he lived for many

years before having to move once more, to settle

in Corinth. He died in 354 B.C.

The Anabasis is his story of the march to Persia

to aid Cyrus, who enlisted Greek help to try and

take the throne from Artaxerxes, and the ensuing

return of the Greeks, in which Xenophon played a

leading role. This occurred between 401 B.C. and

March 399 B.C.

PREPARER'S NOTE

This was typed from Dakyns' series, "The Works of Xenophon," a

four-volume set. The complete list of Xenophon's works (though

there is doubt about some of these) is:

Work Number of books

The Anabasis 7

The Hellenica 7

The Cyropaedia 8

The Memorabilia 4

The Symposium 1

The Economist 1

On Horsemanship 1

The Sportsman 1

The Cavalry General 1

The Apology 1

On Revenues 1

The Hiero 1

The Agesilaus 1

The Polity of the Athenians and the Lacedaemonians 2

Text in brackets "{}" is my transliteration of Greek text into

English using an Oxford English Dictionary alphabet table. The

diacritical marks have been lost.

ANABASIS

BY

XENOPHON

ANABASIS

BOOK I

I.

Darius and Parysatis had two sons: the elder was named Artaxerxes, and 1

the younger Cyrus. Now, as Darius lay sick and felt that the end of

life drew near, he wished both his sons to be with him. The elder, as

it chanced, was already there, but Cyrus he must needs send for from

the province over which he had made him satrap, having appointed him

general moreover of all the forces that muster in the plain of the

Castolus. Thus Cyrus went up, taking with him Tissaphernes as his

friend, and accompanied also by a body of Hellenes, three hundred

heavy armed men, under the command of Xenias the Parrhasian (1).

(1) Parrhasia, a district and town in the south-west of Arcadia.

Now when Darius was dead, and Artaxerxes was established in the

kingdom, Tissaphernes brought slanderous accusations against Cyrus

before his brother, the king, of harbouring designs against him. And

Artaxerxes, listening to the words of Tissaphernes, laid hands upon

Cyrus, desiring to put him to death; but his mother made intercession

for him, and sent him back again in safety to his province. He then,

having so escaped through peril and dishonour, fell to considering,

not only how he might avoid ever again being in his brother's power,

but how, if possible, he might become king in his stead. Parysatis,

his mother, was his first resource; for she had more love for Cyrus

than for Artaxerxes upon his throne. Moreover Cyrus's behaviour

towards all who came to him from the king's court was such that, when

he sent them away again, they were better friends to himself than to 5

the king his brother. Nor did he neglect the barbarians in his own

service; but trained them, at once to be capable as warriors and

devoted adherents of himself. Lastly, he began collecting his Hellenic

armament, but with the utmost secrecy, so that he might take the king

as far as might be at unawares.

The manner in which he contrived the levying of the troops was as

follows: First, he sent orders to the commandants of garrisons in the

cities (so held by him), bidding them to get together as large a body

of picked Peloponnesian troops as they severally were able, on the

plea that Tissaphernes was plotting against their cities; and truly

these cities of Ionia had originally belonged to Tissaphernes, being

given to him by the king; but at this time, with the exception of

Miletus, they had all revolted to Cyrus. In Miletus, Tissaphernes,

having become aware of similar designs, had forestalled the

conspirators by putting some to death and banishing the remainder.

Cyrus, on his side, welcomed these fugitives, and having collected an

army, laid siege to Miletus by sea and land, endeavouring to reinstate

the exiles; and this gave him another pretext for collecting an

armament. At the same time he sent to the king, and claimed, as being

the king's brother, that these cities should be given to himself

rather than that Tissaphernes should continue to govern them; and in

furtherance of this end, the queen, his mother, co-operated with him,

so that the king not only failed to see the design against himself,

but concluded that Cyrus was spending his money on armaments in order

to make war on Tissaphernes. Nor did it pain him greatly to see the

two at war together, and the less so because Cyrus was careful to

remit the tribute due to the king from the cities which belonged to

Tissaphernes.

A third army was being collected for him in the Chersonese, over

against Abydos, the origin of which was as follows: There was a

Lacedaemonian exile, named Clearchus, with whom Cyrus had become

associated. Cyrus admired the man, and made him a present of ten

thousand darics (2). Clearchus took the gold, and with the money raised 9

an army, and using the Chersonese as his base of operations, set to

work to fight the Thracians north of the Hellespont, in the interests

of the Hellenes, and with such happy result that the Hellespontine

cities, of their own accord, were eager to contribute funds for the

support of his troops. In this way, again, an armament was being

secretly maintained for Cyrus.

(2) A Persian gold coin = 125.55 grains of gold.

Then there was the Thessalian Aristippus, Cyrus's friend (3), who,

under pressure of the rival political party at home, had come to Cyrus

and asked him for pay for two thousand mercenaries, to be continued

for three months, which would enable him, he said, to gain the upper

hand of his antagonists. Cyrus replied by presenting him with six

months' pay for four thousand mercenaries--only stipulating that

Aristippus should not come to terms with his antagonists without final

consultation with himself. In this way he secured to himself the

secret maintenance of a fourth armament.

(3) Lit. "guest-friend." Aristippus was, as we learn from the "Meno"

of Plato, a native of Larisa, of the family of the Aleuadae, and a

pupil of Gorgias. He was also a lover of Menon, whom he appears to

have sent on this expedition instead of himself.

Further, he bade Proxenus, a Boeotian, who was another friend, get

together as many men as possible, and join him in an expedition which

he meditated against the Pisidians (4), who were causing annoyance to

his territory. Similarly two other friends, Sophaenetus the

Stymphalian (5), and Socrates the Achaean, had orders to get together

as many men as possible and come to him, since he was on the point of

opening a campaign, along with Milesian exiles, against Tissaphernes.

These orders were duly carried out by the officers in question.

(4) Lit. "into the country of the Pisidians."

(5) Of Stymphalus in Arcadia.

II

But when the right moment seemed to him to have come, at which he 1

should begin his march into the interior, the pretext which he put

forward was his desire to expel the Pisidians utterly out of the

country; and he began collecting both his Asiatic and his Hellenic

armaments, avowedly against that people. From Sardis in each direction

his orders sped: to Clearchus, to join him there with the whole of his

army; to Aristippus, to come to terms with those at home, and to

despatch to him the troops in his employ; to Xenias the Arcadian, who

was acting as general-in-chief of the foreign troops in the cities, to

present himself with all the men available, excepting only those who

were actually needed to garrison the citadels. He next summoned the

troops at present engaged in the siege of Miletus, and called upon the

exiles to follow him on his intended expedition, promising them that

if he were successful in his object, he would not pause until he had

reinstated them in their native city. To this invitation they

hearkened gladly; they believed in him; and with their arms they

presented themselves at Sardis. So, too, Xenias arrived at Sardis with

the contingent from the cities, four thousand hoplites; Proxenus,

also, with fifteen hundred hoplites and five hundred light-armed

troops; Sophaenetus the Stymphalian, with one thousand hoplites;

Socrates the Achaean, with five hundred hoplites; while the Megarion

Pasion came with three hundred hoplites and three hundred peltasts (1).

This latter officer, as well as Socrates, belonged to the force

engaged against Miletus. These all joined him at Sardis.

(1) "Targeteers" armed with a light shield instead of the larger one

of the hoplite, or heavy infantry soldier. Iphicrates made great

use of this arm at a later date.

But Tissaphernes did not fail to note these proceedings. An equipment

so large pointed to something more than an invasion of Pisidia: so he

argued; and with what speed he might, he set off to the king, attended

by about five hundred horse. The king, on his side, had no sooner

heard from Tissaphernes of Cyrus's great armament, than he began to

make counter-preparations.

Thus Cyrus, with the troops which I have named, set out from Sardis,

and marched on and on through Lydia three stages, making

two-and-twenty parasangs (2), to the river Maeander. That river is two

hundred feet (3) broad, and was spanned by a bridge consisting of seven

boats. Crossing it, he marched through Phrygia a single stage, of

eight parasangs, to Colossae, an inhabited city (4), prosperous and 6

large. Here he remained seven days, and was joined by Menon the

Thessalian, who arrived with one thousand hoplites and five hundred

peltasts, Dolopes, Aenianes, and Olynthians. From this place he

marched three stages, twenty parasangs in all, to Celaenae, a populous

city of Phrygia, large and prosperous. Here Cyrus owned a palace and a

large park (5) full of wild beasts, which he used to hunt on horseback,

whenever he wished to give himself or his horses exercise. Through the

midst of the park flows the river Maeander, the sources of which are

within the palace buildings, and it flows through the city of

Celaenae. The great king also has a palace in Celaenae, a strong

place, on the sources of another river, the Marsyas, at the foot of

the acropolis. This river also flows through the city, discharging

itself into the Maeander, and is five-and-twenty feet broad. Here is

the place where Apollo is said to have flayed Marsyas, when he had

conquered him in the contest of skill. He hung up the skin of the

conquered man, in the cavern where the spring wells forth, and hence

the name of the river, Marsyas. It was on this site that Xerxes, as

tradition tells, built this very palace, as well as the citadel of

Celaenae itself, on his retreat from Hellas, after he had lost the

famous battle. Here Cyrus remained for thirty days, during which

Clearchus the Lacedaemonian arrived with one thousand hoplites and

eight hundred Thracian peltasts and two hundred Cretan archers. At the

same time, also, came Sosis the Syracusian with three thousand

hoplites, and Sophaenetus the Arcadian (6) with one thousand hoplites;

and here Cyrus held a review, and numbered his Hellenes in the park,

and found that they amounted in all to eleven thousand hoplites and

about two thousand peltasts.

(2) The Persian "farsang" = 30 stades, nearly 1 league, 3 1/2 statute

miles, though not of uniform value in all parts of Asia.

(3) "Two plethra": the plethron = about 101 English feet.

(4) Lit. "inhabited," many of the cities of Asia being then as now

deserted, but the suggestion is clearly at times "thickly

inhabited," "populous."

(5) Lit. "paradise," an oriental word = park or pleasure ground.

(6) Perhaps this should be Agias the Arcadian, as Mr. Macmichael

suggests. Sophaenetus has already been named above.

From this place he continued his march two stages--ten parasangs--to 10

the populous city of Peltae, where he remained three days; while

Xenias, the Arcadian, celebrated the Lycaea (7) with sacrifice, and

instituted games. The prizes were headbands of gold; and Cyrus himself

was a spectator of the contest. From this place the march was

continued two stages--twelve parasangs--to Ceramon-agora, a populous

city, the last on the confines of Mysia. Thence a march of three

stages--thirty parasangs--brought him to Caystru-pedion (8), a populous

city. Here Cyrus halted five days; and the soldiers, whose pay was now

more than three months in arrear, came several times to the palace

gates demanding their dues; while Cyrus put them off with fine words

and expectations, but could not conceal his vexation, for it was not

his fashion to stint payment, when he had the means. At this point

Epyaxa, the wife of Syennesis, the king of the Cilicians, arrived on a

visit to Cyrus; and it was said that Cyrus received a large gift of

money from the queen. At this date, at any rate, Cyrus gave the army

four months' pay. The queen was accompanied by a bodyguard of

Cilicians and Aspendians; and, if report speaks truly, Cyrus had

intimate relations with the queen.

(7) The Lycaea, an Arcadian festival in honour of Zeus {Arcaios}, akin

to the Roman Lupercalia, which was originally a shepherd festival,

the introduction of which the Romans ascribe to the Arcadian

Evander.

(8) Lit. "plain of the Cayster," like Ceramon-agora, "the market of

the Ceramians" above, the name of a town.

From this place he marched two stages--ten parasangs--to Thymbrium, a

populous city. Here, by the side of the road, is the spring of Midas,

the king of Phrygia, as it is called, where Midas, as the story goes,

caught the satyr by drugging the spring with wine. From this place he

marched two stages--ten parasangs--to Tyriaeum, a populous city. Here

he halted three days; and the Cilician queen, according to the popular

account, begged Cyrus to exhibit his armament for her amusement. The

latter being only too glad to make such an exhibition, held a review

of the Hellenes and barbarians in the plain. He ordered the Hellenes

to draw up their lines and post themselves in their customary battle

order, each general marshalling his own battalion. Accordingly they

drew up four-deep. The right was held by Menon and those with him; the 15

left by Clearchus and his men; the centre by the remaining generals

with theirs. Cyrus first inspected the barbarians, who marched past in

troops of horses and companies of infantry. He then inspected the

Hellenes; driving past them in his chariot, with the queen in her

carriage. And they all had brass helmets and purple tunics, and

greaves, and their shields uncovered (9).

(9) I.e. ready for action, c.f. "bayonets fixed".

After he had driven past the whole body, he drew up his chariot in

front of the centre of the battle-line, and sent his interpreter

Pigres to the generals of the Hellenes, with orders to present arms

and to advance along the whole line. This order was repeated by the

generals to their men; and at the sound of the bugle, with shields

forward and spears in rest, they advanced to meet the enemy. The pace

quickened, and with a shout the soldiers spontaneously fell into a

run, making in the direction of the camp. Great was the panic of the

barbarians. The Cilician queen in her carriage turned and fled; the

sutlers in the marketing place left their wares and took to their

heels; and the Hellenes meanwhile came into camp with a roar of

laughter. What astounded the queen was the brilliancy and order of the

armament; but Cyrus was pleased to see the terror inspired by the

Hellenes in the hearts of the Asiatics.

From this place he marched on three stages--twenty parasangs--to

Iconium, the last city of Phrygia, where he remained three days.

Thence he marched through Lycaonia five stages--thirty parasangs. This

was hostile country, and he gave it over to the Hellenes to pillage.

At this point Cyrus sent back the Cilician queen to her own country by

the quickest route; and to escort her he sent the soldiers of Menon,

and Menon himself. With the rest of the troops he continued his march

through Cappadocia four stages--twenty-five parasangs--to Dana, a

populous city, large and flourishing. Here they halted three days,

within which interval Cyrus put to death, on a charge of conspiracy, a

Persian nobleman named Megaphernes, a wearer of the royal purple; and

along with him another high dignitary among his subordinate

commanders.

From this place they endeavoured to force a passage into Cilicia. Now 21

the entrance was by an exceedingly steep cart-road, impracticable for

an army in face of a resisting force; and report said that Syennesis

was on the summit of the pass guarding the approach. Accordingly they

halted a day in the plain; but next day came a messenger informing

them that Syenesis had left the pass; doubtless, after perceiving that

Menon's army was already in Cilicia on his own side of the mountains;

and he had further been informed that ships of war, belonging to the

Lacedaemonians and to Cyrus himself, with Tamos on board as admiral,

were sailing round from Ionia to Cilicia. Whatever the reason might

be, Cyrus made his way up into the hills without let or hindrance, and

came in sight of the tents where the Cilicians were on guard. From

that point he descended gradually into a large and beautiful plain

country, well watered, and thickly covered with trees of all sorts and

vines. This plain produces sesame plentifully, as also panic and

millet and barley and wheat; and it is shut in on all sides by a steep

and lofty wall of mountains from sea to sea. Descending through this

plain country, he advanced four stages--twenty-five parasangs--to

Tarsus, a large and prosperous city of Cilicia. Here stood the palace

of Syennesis, the king of the country; and through the middle of the

city flows a river called the Cydnus, two hundred feet broad. They

found that the city had been deserted by its inhabitants, who had

betaken themselves, with Syennesis, to a strong place on the hills.

All had gone, except the tavern-keepers. The sea-board inhabitants of

Soli and Issi also remained. Now Epyaxa, Syennesis's queen, had

reached Tarsus five days in advance of Cyrus. During their passage

over the mountains into the plain, two companies of Menon's army were

lost. Some said they had been cut down by the Cilicians, while engaged

on some pillaging affair; another account was that they had been left

behind, and being unable to overtake the main body, or discover the

route, had gone astray and perished. However it was, they numbered one

hundred hoplites; and when the rest arrived, being in a fury at the

destruction of their fellow soldiers, they vented their spleen by

pillaging the city of Tarsus and the palace to boot. Now when Cyrus

had marched into the city, he sent for Syennesis to come to him; but 26

the latter replied that he had never yet put himself into the hands of

any one who was his superior, nor was he willing to accede to the

proposal of Cyrus now; until, in the end, his wife persuaded him, and

he accepted pledges of good faith. After this they met, and Syennesis

gave Cyrus large sums in aid of his army; while Cyrus presented him

with the customary royal gifts--to wit, a horse with a gold bit, a

necklace of gold, a gold bracelet, and a gold scimitar, a Persian

dress, and lastly, the exemption of his territory from further

pillage, with the privilege of taking back the slaves that had been

seized, wherever they might chance to come upon them.

III

At Tarsus Cyrus and his army halted for twenty days; the soldiers 1

refusing to advance further, since the suspicion ripened in their

minds, that the expedition was in reality directed against the king;

and as they insisted, they had not engaged their services for that

object. Clearchus set the example of trying to force his men to

continue their march; but he had no sooner started at the head of his

troops than they began to pelt him and his baggage train, and

Clearchus had a narrow escape of being stoned to death there and then.

Later on, when he perceived that force was useless, he summoned an

assembly of his own men; and for a long while he stood and wept, while

the men gazed in silent astonishment. At last he spoke as follows:

"Fellow soldiers, do not marvel that I am sorely distressed on account

of the present troubles. Cyrus has been no ordinary friend to me. When

I was in banishment he honoured me in various ways, and made me also a

present of ten thousand darics. These I accepted, but not to lay them

up for myself for private use; not to squander them in pleasure, but

to expend them on yourselves. And, first of all, I went to war with

the Thracians, and with you to aid, I wreaked vengeance on them in

behalf of Hellas; driving them out of the Chersonese, when they wanted

to deprive its Hellenic inhabitants of their lands. But as soon as

Cyrus summoned me, I took you with me and set out, so that, if my

benefactor had any need of me, I might requite him for the good

treatment I myself had received at his hands.... But since you are

not minded to continue the march with me, one of two things is left to 5

me to do; either I must renounce you for the sake of my friendship

with Cyrus, or I must go with you at the cost of deceiving him.

Whether I am about to do right or not, I cannot say, but I choose

yourselves; and, whatever betide, I mean to share your fate. Never

shall it be said of me by any one that, having led Greek troops

against the barbarians (1), I betrayed the Hellenes, and chose the

friendship of the barbarian. No! since you do not choose to obey and

follow me, I will follow after you. Whatever betide, I will share your

fate. I look upon you as my country, my friends, my allies; with you I

think I shall be honoured, wherever I be; without you I do not see how

I can help a friend or hurt a foe. My decision is taken. Wherever you

go, I go also."

(1) Lit. "into the country of the barbarian."

Such were his words. But the soldiers, not only his own, but the rest

also, when they heard what he said, and how he had scouted the idea of

going up to the great king's palace (2), expressed their approval; and

more than two thousand men deserted Xenias and Pasion, and took their

arms and baggage-train, and came and encamped with Clearchus. But

Cyrus, in despair and vexation at this turn of affairs, sent for

Clearchus. He refused to come; but, without the knowledge of the

soldiers, sent a message to Cyrus, bidding him keep a good heart, for

that all would arrange itself in the right way; and bade him keep on

sending for him, whilst he himself refused to go. After that he got

together his own men, with those who had joined him, and of the rest

any who chose to come, and spoke as follows: "Fellow soldiers, it is

clear that the relations of Cyrus to us are identical with ours to

him. We are no longer his soldiers, since we have ceased to follow

him; and he, on his side, is no longer our paymaster. He, however, no

doubt considers himself wronged by us; and though he goes on sending

for me, I cannot bring myself to go to him: for two reasons, chiefly

from a sense of shame, for I am forced to admit to myself that I have

altogether deceived him; but partly, too, because I am afraid of his

seizing me and inflicting a penalty on the wrongs which he conceives 11

that I have done him. In my opinion, then, this is no time for us to

go to sleep and forget all about ourselves, rather it is high time to

deliberate on our next move; and as long as we do remain here, we had

better bethink us how we are to abide in security; or, if we are

resolved to turn our backs at once, what will be the safest means of

retreat; and, further, how we are to procure supplies, for without

supplies there is no profit whatsoever in the general or the private

soldier. The man with whom we have to deal is an excellent friend to

his friends, but a very dangerous enemy to his foes. And he is backed

by a force of infantry and cavalry and ships such as we all alike very

well see and know, since we can hardly be said to have posted

ourselves at any great distance from him. If, then, any one has a

suggestion to make, now is the time to speak." With these words he

ceased.

(2) Or "how he insisted that he was not going up."

Then various speakers stood up; some of their own motion to propound

their views; others inspired by Clearchus to dilate on the hopeless

difficulty of either staying, or going back without the goodwill of

Cyrus. One of these, in particular, with a make-believe of anxiety to

commence the homeward march without further pause, called upon them

instantly to choose other generals, if Clearchus were not himself

prepared to lead them back: "Let them at once purchase supplies" (the

market being in the heart of the Asiatic camp), "let them pack up

their baggage: let them," he added, "go to Cyrus and ask for some

ships in order to return by sea: if he refused to give them ships, let

them demand of him a guide to lead them back through a friendly

district; and if he would not so much as give them a guide, they could

but put themselves, without more ado, in marching order, and send on a

detachment to occupy the pass--before Cyrus and the Cilicians, whose

property," the speaker added, "we have so plentifully pillaged, can

anticipate us." Such were the remarks of that speaker; he was followed

by Clearchus, who merely said: "As to my acting personally as general

at this season, pray do not propose it: I can see numerous obstacles

to my doing so. Obedience, in the fullest, I can render to the man of 15

your choice, that is another matter: and you shall see and know that I

can play my part, under command, with the best of you."

After Clearchus another spokesman stood up, and proceeded to point out

the simplicity of the speaker, who proposed to ask for vessels, just

as if Cyrus were minded to renounce the expedition and sail back

again. "And let me further point out," he said, "what a simple-minded

notion it is to beg a guide of the very man whose designs we are

marring. If we can trust any guide whom Cyrus may vouchsafe to us, why

not order Cyrus at once to occupy the pass on our behoof? For my part,

I should think twice before I set foot on any ships that he might give

us, for fear lest he should sink them with his men-of-war; and I

should equally hesitate to follow any guide of his: he might lead us

into some place out of which we should find it impossible to escape. I

should much prefer, if I am to return home against the will of Cyrus

at all, to give him the slip, and so begone: which indeed is

impossible. But these schemes are simply nonsensical. My proposal is

that a deputation of fit persons, with Clearchus, should go to Cyrus:

let them go to Cyrus and ask him: what use he proposes to make of us?

and if the business is at all similar to that on which he once before

employed a body of foreigners--let us by all means follow: let us show

that we are the equals of those who accompanied him on his march up

formerly. But if the design should turn out to be of larger import

than the former one--involving more toil and more danger--we should

ask him, either to give us good reasons for following his lead, or

else consent to send us away into a friendly country. In this way,

whether we follow him, we shall do so as friends, and with heart and

soul, or whether we go back, we shall do so in security. The answer to

this shall be reported to us here, and when we have heard it, we will

advise as to our best course."

This resolution was carried, and they chose and sent a deputation with

Clearchus, who put to Cyrus the questions which had been agreed upon

by the army. Cyrus replied as follows: That he had received news that

Abrocomas, an enemy of his, was posted on the Euphrates, twelve stages 20

off; his object was to march against this aforesaid Abrocomas: and if

he were still there, he wished to inflict punishment on him, "or if he

be fled" (so the reply concluded), "we will there deliberate on the

best course." The deputation received the answer and reported it to

the soldiers. The suspicion that he was leading them against the king

was not dispelled; but it seemed best to follow him. They only

demanded an increase of pay, and Cyrus promised to give them half as

much again as they had hitherto received--that is to say, a daric and

a half a month to each man, instead of a daric. Was he really leading

them to attack the king? Not even at this moment was any one apprised

of the fact, at any rate in any open and public manner.

IV

From this point he marched two stages--ten parasangs--to the river 1

Psarus, which is two hundred feet broad, and from the Psarus he

marched a single stage--five parasangs--to Issi, the last city in

Cilicia. It lies on the seaboard--a prosperous, large and flourishing

town. Here they halted three days, and here Cyrus was joined by his

fleet. There were thirty-five ships from Peloponnesus, with the

Lacedaemonian admiral Pythagoras on board. These had been piloted from

Ephesus by Tamos the Egyptian, who himself had another fleet of

twenty-five ships belonging to Cyrus. These had formed Tamos's

blockading squadron at Miletus, when that city sided with

Tissaphernes; he had also used them in other military services

rendered to Cyrus in his operations against that satrap. There was a

third officer on board the fleet, the Lacedaemonian Cheirisophus, who

had been sent for by Cyrus, and had brought with him seven hundred

hoplites, over whom he was to act as general in the service of Cyrus.

The fleet lay at anchor opposite Cyrus's tent. Here too another

reinforcement presented itself. This was a body of four hundred

hoplites, Hellenic mercenaries in the service of Abrocomas, who 3

deserted him for Cyrus, and joined in the campaign against the king.

From Issi, he marched a single stage--five parasangs--to the gates of

Cilicia and Syria. This was a double fortress: the inner and nearer

one, which protects Cilicia, was held by Syennesis and a garrison of

Cilicians; the outer and further one, protecting Syria, was reported

to be garrisoned by a body of the king's troops. Through the gap

between the two fortresses flows a river named the Carsus, which is a

hundred feet broad, and the whole space between was scarcely more than

six hundred yards. To force a passage here would be impossible, so

narrow was the pass itself, with the fortification walls stretching

down to the sea, and precipitous rocks above; while both fortresses

were furnished with gates. It was the existence of this pass which had

induced Cyrus to send for the fleet, so as to enable him to lead a

body of hoplites inside and outside the gates; and so to force a

passage through the enemy, if he were guarding the Syrian gate, as he

fully expected to find Abrocomas doing with a large army. This,

however, Abrocomas had not done; but as soon as he learnt that Cyrus

was in Cilicia, he had turned round and made his exit from Phoenicia,

to join the king with an army amounting, as report said, to three

hundred thousand men.

From this point Cyrus pursued his march, through Syria a single

stage--five parasangs--to Myriandus, a city inhabited by Phoenicians,

on the sea-coast. This was a commercial port, and numerous merchant

vessels were riding at anchor in the harbour. Here they halted seven

days, and here Xenias the Arcadian general, and Pasion the Megarian

got on board a trader, and having stowed away their most valuable

effects, set sail for home; most people explained the act as the

outcome of a fit of jealousy, because Cyrus had allowed Clearchus to

retain their men, who had deserted to him, in hopes of returning to

Hellas instead of marching against the king; when the two had so

vanished, a rumour spread that Cyrus was after them with some ships of

war, and some hoped the cowards might be caught, others pitied them,

if that should be their fate.

But Cyrus summoned the generals and addressed them: "Xenias and 8

Pasion," he said, "have taken leave of us; but they need not flatter

themselves that in so doing they have stolen into hiding. I know where

they are gone; nor will they owe their escape to speed; I have

men-of-war to capture their craft, if I like. But heaven help me! if I

mean to pursue them: never shall it be said of me, that I turn people

to account as long as they stay with me, but as soon as they are

minded to be off, I seize and maltreat them, and strip them of their

wealth. Not so! let them go with the consciousness that our behaviour

to them is better than theirs to us. And yet I have their children and

wives safe under lock and key in Tralles; but they shall not be

deprived even of these. They shall receive them back in return for

their former goodness to me." So he spoke, and the Hellenes, even

those who had been out of heart at the thought of marching up the

country, when they heard of the nobleness of Cyrus, were happier and

more eager to follow him on his path.

After this Cyrus marched onwards four stages--twenty parasangs--to the

river Chalus. That river is a hundred feet broad, and is stocked with

tame fish which the Syrians regard as gods, and will not suffer to be

injured--and so too the pigeons of the place. The villages in which

they encamped belonged to Parysatis, as part of her girdle money (1).

From this point he marched on five stages--thirty parasangs--to the

sources of the river Dardas, which is a hundred feet broad. Here stood

the palace of Belesys, the ruler of Syria, with its park--which was a

very large and beautiful one, and full of the products of all the

seasons in their course. But Cyrus cut down the park and burnt the

palace. Thence he marched on three stages--fifteen parasangs--to the

river Euphrates, which is nearly half a mile broad. A large and 11

flourishing city, named Thapsacus, stands on its banks. Here they

halted five days, and here Cyrus sent for the generals of the

Hellenes, and told them that the advance was now to be upon Babylon,

against the great king; he bade them communicate this information to

the soldiers and persuade them to follow. The generals called an

assembly, and announced the news to the soldiers. The latter were

indignant and angry with the generals, accusing them of having kept

secret what they had long known; and refused to go, unless such a

bribe of money were given them as had been given to their

predecessors, when they went up with Cyrus to the court of his father,

not as now to fight a battle, but on a peaceful errand--the visit of a

son to his father by invitation. The demand was reported to Cyrus by

the generals, and he undertook to give each man five silver minae as

soon as Babylon was reached, and their pay in full, until he had

safely conveyed them back to Ionia again. In this manner the Hellenic

force were persuaded--that is to say, the majority of them. Menon,

indeed, before it was clear what the rest of the soldiers would

do--whether, in fact they would follow Cyrus or not--collected his own

troops apart and made them the following speech; "Men," he said, "if

you will listen to me, there is a method by which, without risk or

toil, you may win the special favour of Cyrus beyond the rest of the

soldiers. You ask what it is I would have you to do? I will tell you.

Cyrus at this instant is begging the Hellenes to follow him to attack

the king. I say then: Cross the Euphrates at once, before it is clear

what answer the rest will make; if they vote in favour of following,

you will get the credit of having set the example, and Cyrus will be

grateful to you. He will look upon you as being the heartiest in his

cause; he will repay, as of all others he best knows how; while, if

the rest vote against crossing, we shall go back again; but as the

sole adherents, whose fidelity he can altogether trust, it is you whom

Cyrus will turn to account, as commandants of garrisons or captains of

companies. You need only ask him for whatever you want, and you will

get it from him, as being the friends of Cyrus."

(1) Cf. Plat. "Alcib." i. 123 B. "Why, I have been informed by a

credible person, who went up to the king (at Susa), that he passed

through a large tract of excellent land, extending for nearly a

day's journey, which the people of the country called the queen's

girdle, and another which they called her veil," etc. Olympiodorus

and the Scholiast both think that Plato here refers to Xenophon

and this passage of the "Anabasis." Grote thinks it very probable

that Plato had in his mind Xenophon (either his "Anabasis" or

personal communications with him).

The men heard and obeyed, and before the rest had given their answer,

they were already across. But when Cyrus perceived that Menon's troops 16

had crossed, he was well pleased, and he sent Glus to the division in

question, with this message: "Soldiers, accept my thanks at present;

eventually you shall thank me. I will see to that, or my name is not

Cyrus." The soldiers therefore could not but pray heartily for his

success; so high their hopes ran. But to Menon, it was said, he sent

gifts with lordly liberality. This done, Cyrus proceeded to cross; and

in his wake followed the rest of the armament to a man. As they

forded, never a man was wetted above the chest: nor ever until this

moment, said the men of Thapascus, had the river been so crossed on

foot, boats had always been required; but these, at the present time,

Abrocomas, in his desire to hinder Cyrus from crossing, had been at

pains to burn. Thus the passage was looked upon as a thing miraculous;

the river had manifestly retired before the face of Cyrus, like a

courtier bowing to his future king. From this place he continued his

march through Syria nine stages--fifty parasangs--and they reached the

river Araxes. Here were several villages full of corn and wine; in

which they halted three days, and provisioned the army.

V

Thence he marched on through Arabia, keeping the Euphrates on the 1

right, five desert stages--thirty-five parasangs. In this region the

ground was one long level plain, stretching far and wide like the sea,

full of absinth; whilst all the other vegetation, whether wood or

reed, was sweet scented like spice or sweet herb; there were no trees;

but there was wild game of all kinds--wild asses in greatest

abundance, with plenty of ostriches; besides these, there were

bustards and antelopes. These creatures were occasionally chased by

the cavalry. The asses, when pursued, would run forward a space, and

then stand still--their pace being much swifter than that of horses;

and as soon as the horses came close, they went through the same

performance. The only way to catch them was for the riders to post

themselves at intervals, and to hunt them in relays, as it were. The

flesh of those they captured was not unlike venison, only more tender.

No one was lucky enough to capture an ostrich. Some of the troopers

did give chase, but it had soon to be abandoned; for the bird, in its

effort to escape, speedily put a long interval between itself and its 3

pursuers; plying its legs at full speed, and using its wings the while

like a sail. The bustards were not so hard to catch when started

suddenly; for they only take short flights, like partridges, and are

soon tired. Their flesh is delicious.

As the army wended its way through this region, they reached the river

Mascas, which is one hundred feet in breadth. Here stood a big

deserted city called Corsote, almost literally environed by the

stream, which flows round it in a circle. Here they halted three days

and provisioned themselves. Thence they continued their march thirteen

desert stages--ninety parasangs--with the Euphrates still on their

right, until they reached the Gates. On these marches several of the

baggage animals perished of hunger, for there was neither grass nor

green herb, or tree of any sort; but the country throughout was

barren. The inhabitants make their living by quarrying millstones on

the river banks, which they work up and take to Babylon and sell,

purchasing corn in exchange for their goods. Corn failed the army, and

was not to be got for money, except in the Lydian market open in

Cyrus's Asiatic army; where a kapithe of wheat or barley cost four

shekels; the shekel being equal to seven and a half Attic obols,

whilst the kapithe is the equivalent of two Attic choeneces (1), dry

measure, so that the soldiers subsisted on meat alone for the whole

period. Some of the stages were very long, whenever they had to push

on to find water or fodder; and once they found themselves involved in

a narrow way, where the deep clay presented an obstacle to the

progress of the wagons. Cyrus, with the nobles about him, halted to

superintend the operation, and ordered Glus and Pigres to take a body

of barbarians and to help in extricating the wagons. As they seemed to

be slow about the business, he turned round angrily to the Persian

nobles and bade them lend a hand to force the wagons out. Then, if

ever, what goes to constitute one branch of good discipline, was to be

witnessed. Each of those addressed, just where he chanced to be 8

standing, threw off his purple cloak, and flung himself into the work

with as much eagerness as if it had been a charge for victory. Down a

steep hill side they flew, with their costly tunics and embroidered

trousers--some with the circlets round their necks, and bracelets on

their arms--in an instant, they had sprung into the miry clay, and in

less time than one could have conceived, they had landed the wagons

safe on terra firma.

(1) The choenix = about 1 quart (or, according to others, 1 1/2 pint).

It was the minimum allowance of corn for a man, say a slave, per

diem. The Spartan was allowed at the public table 2 choenices a

day.

Altogether it was plain that Cyrus was bent on pressing on the march,

and averse to stoppages, except where he halted for the sake of

provisioning or some other necessary object; being convinced that the

more rapidly he advanced, the less prepared for battle would he find

the king; while the slower his own progress, the larger would be the

hostile army which he would find collected. Indeed, the attentive

observer could see, at a glance, that if the king's empire was strong

in its extent of territory and the number of inhabitants, that

strength is compensated by an inherent weakness, dependent upon the

length of roads and the inevitable dispersion of defensive forces,

where an invader insists upon pressing home the war by forced marches.

On the opposite side of the Euphrates to the point reached on one of

these desert stages, was a large and flourishing city named Charmande.

From this town the soldiers made purchases of provisions, crossing the

river on rafts, in the following fashion: They took the skins which

they used as tent coverings, and filled them with light grass; they

then compressed and stitched them tightly together by the ends, so

that the water might not touch the hay. On these they crossed and got

provisions: wine made from the date-nut, and millet or panic-corn, the

common staple of the country. Some dispute or other here occurred

between the soldiers of Menon and Clearchus, in which Clearchus

sentenced one of Menon's men, as the delinquent, and had him flogged.

The man went back to his own division and told them. Hearing what had

been done to their comrade, his fellows fretted and fumed, and were

highly incensed against Clearchus. The same day Clearchus visited the

passage of the river, and after inspecting the market there, was

returning with a few followers, on horseback, to his tent, and had to 12

pass through Menon's quarters. Cyrus had not yet come up, but was

riding up in the same direction. One of Menon's men, who was splitting

wood, caught sight of Clearchus as he rode past, and aimed a blow at

him with his axe. The aim took no effect; when another hurled a stone

at him, and a third, and then several, with shouts and hisses.

Clearchus made a rapid retreat to his own troops, and at once ordered

them to get under arms. He bade his hoplites remain in position with

their shields resting against their knees, while he, at the head of

his Thracians and horsemen, of which he had more than forty in his

army--Thracians for the most part--advanced against Menon's soldiers,

so that the latter, with Menon himself, were panic-stricken, and ran

to seize their arms; some even stood riveted to the spot, in

perplexity at the occurrence. Just then Proxenus came up from behind,

as chance would have it, with his division of hoplites, and without a

moment's hesitation marched into the open space between the rival

parties, and grounded arms; then he fell to begging Clearchus to

desist. The latter was not too well pleased to hear his trouble mildly

spoken of, when he had barely escaped being stoned to death; and he

bade Proxenus retire and leave the intervening space open. At this

juncture Cyrus arrived and inquired what was happening. There was no

time for hesitation. With his javelins firmly grasped in his hands he

galloped up--escorted by some of his faithful bodyguard, who were

present--and was soon in the midst, exclaiming: "Clearchus, Proxenus,

and you other Hellenes yonder, you know not what you do. As surely as

you come to blows with one another, our fate is sealed--this very day

I shall be cut to pieces, and so will you: your turn will follow close

on mine. Let our fortunes once take an evil turn, and these barbarians

whom you see around will be worse foes to us than those who are at

present serving the king." At these words Clearchus came to his

senses. Both parties paused from battle, and retired to their

quarters: order reigned.

VI

As they advanced from this point (opposite Charmande), they came upon 1

the hoof-prints and dung of horses at frequent intervals. It looked

like the trail of some two thousand horses. Keeping ahead of the army,

these fellows burnt up the grass and everything else that was good for

use. Now there was a Persian, named Orontas; he was closely related to

the king by birth: and in matters pertaining to war reckoned among the

best of Persian warriors. Having formerly been at war with Cyrus, and

afterwards reconciled to him, he now made a conspiracy to destroy him.

he made a proposal to Cyrus: if Cyrus would furnish him with a

thousand horsemen, he would deal with these troopers, who were burning

down everything in front of them; he would lay an ambuscade and cut

them down, or he would capture a host of them alive; in any case, he

would put a stop to their aggressiveness and burnings; he would see to

it that they did not ever get a chance of setting eyes on Cyrus's army

and reporting its advent to the king. The proposal seemed plausible to

Cyrus, who accordingly authorised Orontas to take a detachment from

each of the generals, and be gone. He, thinking that he had got his

horsemen ready to his hand, wrote a letter to the king, announcing

that he would ere long join him with as many troopers as he could

bring; he bade him, at the same time, instruct the royal cavalry to

welcome him as a friend. The letter further contained certain

reminders of his former friendship and fidelity. This despatch he

delivered into the hands of one who was a trusty messenger, as he

thought; but the bearer took and gave it to Cyrus. Cyrus read it.

Orontas was arrested. Then Cyrus summoned to his tent seven of the

noblest Persians among his personal attendants, and sent orders to the

Hellenic generals to bring up a body of hoplites. These troops were to

take up a position round his tent. This the generals did; bringing up

about three thousand hoplites. Clearchus was also invited inside, to

assist at the court-martial; a compliment due to the position he held

among the other generals, in the opinion not only of Cyrus, but also

of the rest of the court. When he came out, he reported the

circumstances of the trial (as to which, indeed, there was no mystery)

to his friends. He said that Cyrus opened the inquiry with these

words: "I have invited you hither, my friends, that I may take advice

with you, and carry out whatever, in the sight of God and man, it is

right for me to do, as concerning the man before you, Orontas. The 6

prisoner was, in the first instance, given to me by my father, to be

my faithful subject. In the next place, acting, to use his own words,

under the orders of my brother, and having hold of the acropolis of

Sardis, he went to war with me. I met war with war, and forced him to

think it more prudent to desist from war with me: whereupon we shook

hands, exchanging solemn pledges. After that," and at this point Cyrus

turned to Orontas, and addressed him personally--"after that, did I do

you any wrong?" Answer, "Never." Again another question: "Then later

on, having received, as you admit, no injury from me, did you revolt

to the Mysians and injure my territory, as far as in you lay?"--"I

did," was the reply. "Then, once more having discovered the limits of

your power, did you flee to the altar of Artemis, crying out that you

repented? and did you thus work upon my feelings, that we a second

time shook hands and made interchange of solemn pledges? Are these

things so?" Orontas again assented. "Then what injury have you

received from me," Cyrus asked, "that now for the third time, you have

been detected in a treasonous plot against me?"--"I must needs do so,"

he answered. Then Cyrus put one more question: "But the day may come,

may it not, when you will once again be hostile to my brother, and a

faithful friend to myself?" The other answered: "Even if I were, you

could never be brought to believe it, Cyrus."

At this point Cyrus turned to those who were present and said: "Such

has been the conduct of the prisoner in the past: such is his language

now. I now call upon you, and you first, Clearchus, to declare your

opinion--what think you?" And Clearchus answered: "My advice to you is

to put this man out of the way as soon as may be, so that we may be

saved the necessity of watching him, and have more leisure, as far as

he is concerned, to requite the services of those whose friendship is

sincere."--"To this opinion," he told us, "the rest of the court

adhered." After that, at the bidding of Cyrus, each of those present, 10

in turn, including the kinsmen of Orontas, took him by the girdle;

which is as much as to say, "Let him die the death," and then those

appointed led him out; and they who in old days were wont to do

obeisance to him, could not refrain, even at that moment, from bowing

down before him, albeit they knew he was being led forth to death.

After they had conducted him to the tent of Artapates, the trustiest

of Cyrus's wand-bearers, none set eyes upon him ever again, alive or

dead. No one, of his own knowledge, could declare the manner of his

death; though some conjectured one thing and some another. No tomb to

mark his resting-place, either then or since, was ever seen.

VII

From this place Cyrus marched through Babylonia three stages--twelve 1

parasangs. Now, on the third stage, about midnight, Cyrus held a

review of the Hellenes and Asiatics in the plain, expecting that the

king would arrive the following day with his army to offer battle. He

gave orders to Clearchus to take command of the right wing, and to

Menon the Thessalian of the left, while he himself undertook to the

disposition of his own forces in person. After the review, with the

first approach of day, deserters from the great king arrived, bringing

Cyrus information about the royal army. Then Cyrus summoned the

generals and captains of the Hellenes, and held a council of war to

arrange the plan of battle. He took this opportunity also to address

the following words of compliment and encouragement to the meeting:

"Men of Hellas," he said, "it is certainly not from dearth of

barbarians to fight my battles that I put myself at your head as my

allies; but because I hold you to be better and stronger than many

barbarians. That is why I took you. See then that you prove yourselves

to be men worthy of the liberty which you possess, and which I envy

you. Liberty--it is a thing which, be well assured, I would choose in

preference to all my other possessions, multiplied many times. But I

would like you to know into what sort of struggle you are going: learn

its nature from one who knows. Their numbers are great, and they come

on with much noise; but if you can hold out against these two things,

I confess I am ashamed to think, what a sorry set of folk you will 4

find the inhabitants of this land to be. But you are men, and brave

you must be, being men: it is agreed; then if you wish to return home,

any of you, I undertake to send you back, in such sort that your

friends at home shall envy you; but I flatter myself I shall persuade

many of you to accept what I will offer you here, in lieu of what you

left at home."

Here Gaulites, a Samian exile, and a trusty friend of Cyrus, being

present, exclaimed: "Ay, Cyrus, but some say you can afford to make

large promises now, because you are in the crisis of impending danger;

but let matters go well with you, will you recollect? They shake their

heads. Indeed, some add that, even if you did recollect, and were ever

so willing, you would not be able to make good all your promises, and

repay." When Cyrus heard that, he answered: "You forget, sirs, my

father's empire stretches southwards to a region where men cannot

dwell by reason of the heat, and northwards to a region uninhabitable

through cold; but all the intervening space is mapped out in satrapies

belonging to my brother's friends: so that if the victory be ours, it

will be ours also to put our friends in possession in their room. On

the whole my fear is, not that I may not have enough to give to each

of my friends, but lest I may not have friends enough on whom to

bestow what I have to give, and to each of you Hellenes I will give a

crown of gold."

So they, when they heard these words, were once more elated than ever

themselves, and spread the good news among the rest outside. And there

came into his presence both the generals and some of the other

Hellenes also, claiming to know what they should have in the event of

victory; and Cyrus satisfied the expectations of each and all, and so

dismissed them. Now the advice and admonition of all who came into

conversation with him was, not to enter the battle himself, but to

post himself in rear of themselves; and at this season Clearchus put a

question to him: "But do you think that your brother will give battle 9

to you, Cyrus?" and Cyrus answered: "Not without a battle, be assured,

shall the prize be won; if he be the son of Darius and Parysatis, and

a brother of mine."

In the final arming for battle at this juncture, the numbers were as

follows: Of Hellenes there were ten thousand four hundred heavy

infantry with two thousand five hundred targeteers, while the

barbarians with Cyrus reached a total of one hundred thousand. He had

too about twenty scythe-chariots. The enemy's forces were reported to

number one million two hundred thousand, with two hundred

scythe-chariots, besides which he had six thousand cavalry under

Artagerses. These formed the immediate vanguard of the king himself.

The royal army was marshalled by four generals or field-marshals, each

in command of three hundred thousand men. Their names were Abrocomas,

Tissaphernes, Gobryas, and Arbaces. (But of this total not more than

nine hundred thousand were engaged in the battle, with one hundred and

fifty scythe-chariots; since Abrocomas, on his march from Phoenicia,

arrived five days too late for the battle.) Such was the information

brought to Cyrus by deserters who came in from the king's army before

the battle, and it was corroborated after the battle by those of the

enemy who were taken prisoners.

From this place Cyrus advanced one stage--three parasangs--with the

whole body of his troops, Hellenic and barbarian alike in order of

battle. He expected the king to give battle the same day, for in the

middle of this day's march a deep sunk trench was reached, thirty feet

broad, and eighteen feet deep. The trench was carried inland through

the plain, twelve parasang's distance, to the wall of Media (1). (Here

are canals, flowing from the river Tigris; they are four in number,

each a hundred feet broad, and very deep, with corn ships plying upon 15

them; they empty themselves into the Euphrates, and are at intervals

of one parasang apart, and are spanned by bridges.)

(1) For "the wall of Media" see Grote, "Hist. of Greece," vol. ix. p.

87 and foll. note 1 (1st ed.), and various authorities there

quoted or referred to. The next passage enclosed in () may

possibly be a commentator's or editor's note, but, on the whole, I

have thought it best to keep the words in the text instead of

relegating them, as heretofore, to a note. Perhaps some future

traveller may clear up all difficulties.

Between the Euphrates and the trench was a narrow passage, twenty feet

only in breadth. The trench itself had been constructed by the great

king upon hearing of Cyrus's approach, to serve as a line of defence.

Through this narrow passage then Cyrus and his army passed, and found

themselves safe inside the trench. So there was no battle to be fought

with the king that day; only there were numerous unmistakable traces

of horse and infantry in retreat. Here Cyrus summoned Silanus, his

Ambraciot soothsayer, and presented him with three thousand darics;

because eleven days back, when sacrificing, he had told him that the

king would not fight within ten days, and Cyrus had answered: "Well,

then, if he does not fight within that time, he will not fight at all;

and if your prophecy comes true, I promise you ten talents." So now,

that the ten days were passed, he presented him with the above sum.

But as the king had failed to hinder the passage of Cyrus's army at

the trench, Cyrus himself and the rest concluded that he must have

abandoned the idea of offering battle, so that next day Cyrus advanced

with less than his former caution. On the third day he was conducting

the march, seated in his carriage, with only a small body of troops

drawn up in front of him. The mass of the army was moving on in no

kind of order: the soldiers having consigned their heavy arms to be

carried in the wagons or on the backs of beasts.

VIII

It was already about full market time (1) and the halting-place at 1

which the army was to take up quarters was nearly reached, when

Pategyas, a Persian, a trusty member of Cyrus's personal staff, came

galloping up at full speed on his horse, which was bathed in sweat,

and to every one he met he shouted in Greek and Persian, as fast as he

could ejaculate the words: "The king is advancing with a large army

ready for battle." Then ensued a scene of wild confusion. The Hellenes

and all alike were expecting to be attacked on the instant, and before

they could form their lines. Cyrus sprang from his carriage and donned

his corselet; then leaping on to his charger's back, with the javelins

firmly clutched, he passed the order to the rest, to arm themselves

and fall into their several ranks.

(1) I.e. between 9 and 10 A.M.

The orders were carried out with alacrity; the ranks shaped

themselves. Clearchus held the right wing resting on the Euphrates,

Proxenus was next, and after him the rest, while Menon with his troops

held the Hellenic left. Of the Asiatics, a body of Paphlagonian

cavalry, one thousand strong, were posted beside Clearchus on the

right, and with them stood the Hellenic peltasts. On the left was

Ariaeus, Cyrus's second in command, and the rest of the barbarian

host. Cyrus was with his bodyguard of cavalry about six hundred

strong, all armed with corselets like Cyrus, and cuirasses and

helmets; but not so Cyrus: he went into battle with head

unhelmeted (2). So too all the horses with Cyrus wore forehead-pieces

and breast-pieces, and the troopers carried short Hellenic swords.

(2) The MSS. add, "to expose oneself to the risks of war bareheaded

is, it is said, a practice common to the Persians," which I regard

as a commentator's note, if not an original marginal note of some

early editor, possibly of the author himself. The "Cyropaedeia" is

full of such comments, "pieces justificatives" inserted into the

text.

It was now mid-day, and the enemy was not yet in sight; but with the

approach of afternoon was seen dust like a white cloud, and after a

considerable interval a black pall as it were spread far and high

above the plain. As they came nearer, very soon was seen here and

there a glint of bronze and spear-points; and the ranks could plainly

be distinguished. On the left were troopers wearing white cuirasses.

That is Tissaphernes in command, they said, and next to these a body

of men bearing wicker-shields, and next again heavy-armed infantry,

with long wooden shields reaching to the feet. These were the

Egyptians, they said, and then other cavalry, other bowmen; all were

in national divisions, each nation marching in densely-crowded 10

squares. And all along their front was a line of chariots at

considerable intervals from one another--the famous scythe-chariots,

as they were named--having their scythes fitted to the axle-trees and

stretching out slantwise, while others protruded under the

chariot-seats, facing the ground, so as to cut through all they

encountered. The design was to let them dash full speed into the ranks

of the Hellenes and cut them through.

Curiously enough the anticipation of Cyrus, when at the council of war

he admonished the Hellenes not to mind the shouting of the Asiatics,

was not justified. Instead of shouting, they came on in deep silence,

softly and slowly, with even tread. At this instant, Cyrus, riding

past in person, accompanied by Pigres, his interpreter, and three or

four others, called aloud to Clearchus to advance against the enemy's

centre, for there the king was to be found: "And if we strike home at

this point," he added, "our work is finished." Clearchus, though he

could see the compact body at the centre, and had been told by Cyrus

that the king lay outside the Hellenic left (for, owing to numerical

superiority, the king, while holding his own centre, could well

overlap Cyrus's extreme left), still hesitated to draw off his right

wing from the river, for fear of being turned on both flanks; and he

simply replied, assuring Cyrus that he would take care all went well.

At this time the barbarian army was evenly advancing, and the Hellenic

division was still riveted to the spot, completing its formation as

the various contingents came up. Cyrus, riding past at some distance

from the lines, glanced his eye first in one direction and then in the

other, so as to take a complete survey of friends and foes; when

Xenophon the Athenian, seeing him, rode up from the Hellenic quarter

to meet him, asking him whether he had any orders to give. Cyrus,

pulling up his horse, begged him to make the announcement generally

known that the omens from the victims, internal and external alike,

were good (3). While he was still speaking, he heard a confused murmur 16

passing through the ranks, and asked what it meant. The other replied

that it was the watchword being passed down for the second time. Cyrus

wondered who had given the order, and asked what the watchword was. On

being told it was "Zeus our Saviour and Victory," he replied, "I

accept it; so let it be," and with that remark rode away to his own

position. And now the two battle lines were no more than three or four

furlongs apart, when the Hellenes began chanting the paean, and at the

same time advanced against the enemy.

(3) I.e. the omens from inspecting the innards of the victims, and the

omens from the acts and movements of the victims.

But with the forward movement a certain portion of the line curved

onwards in advance, with wave-like sinuosity, and the portion left

behind quickened to a run; and simultaneously a thrilling cry burst

from all lips, like that in honour of the war-god--eleleu! eleleu! and

the running became general. Some say they clashed their shields and

spears, thereby causing terror to the horses (4); and before they had

got within arrowshot the barbarians swerved and took to flight. And

now the Hellenes gave chase with might and main, checked only by

shouts to one another not to race, but to keep their ranks. The

enemy's chariots, reft of their charioteers, swept onwards, some

through the enemy themselves, others past the Hellenes. They, as they

saw them coming, opened a gap and let them pass. One fellow, like some

dumbfoundered mortal on a racecourse, was caught by the heels, but

even he, they said, received no hurt, nor indeed, with the single

exception of some one on the left wing who was said to have been

wounded by an arrow, did any Hellene in this battle suffer a single

hurt.

(4) Some critics regard this sentence as an editor's or commentator's

note.

Cyrus, seeing the Hellene's conquering, as far as they at any rate

were concerned, and in hot pursuit, was well content; but in spite of

his joy and the salutations offered him at that moment by those about 21

him, as though he were already king, he was not led away to join in

the pursuit, but keeping his squadron of six hundred horsemen in close

order, waited and watched to see what the king himself would do. The

king, he knew, held the centre of the Persian army. Indeed it is the

fashion for the Asiatic monarch to occupy that position during action,

for this twofold reason: he holds the safest place, with his troops on

either side of him, while, if he has occasion to despatch any

necessary rider along the lines, his troops will receive the message

in half the time. The king accordingly on this occasion held the

centre of his army, but for all that, he was outside Cyrus's left

wing; and seeing that no one offered him battle in front, nor yet the

troops in front of him, he wheeled as if to encircle the enemy. It was

then that Cyrus, in apprehension lest the king might get round to the

rear and cut to pieces the Hellenic body, charged to meet him.

Attacking with his six hundred, he mastered the line of troops in

front of the king, and put to flight the six thousand, cutting down,

as is said, with his own hand their general, Artagerses.

But as soon as the rout commenced, Cyrus's own six hundred themselves,

in the ardour of pursuit, were scattered, with the exception of a

handful who were left with Cyrus himself--chiefly his table

companions, so-called. Left alone with these, he caught sight of the

king, and the close throng about him. Unable longer to contain

himself, with a cry, "I see the man," he rushed at him and dealt a

blow at his chest, wounding him through the corselet. This, according

to the statement of Ctesias the surgeon (5), who further states that he

himself healed the wound. As Cyrus delivered the blow, some one struck

him with a javelin under the eye severely; and in the struggle which

then ensued between the king and Cyrus and those about them to protect

one or other, we have the statement of Ctesias as to the number slain 27

on the king's side, for he was by his side. On the other, Cyrus

himself fell, and eight of his bravest companions lay on the top of

him. The story says that Artapes, the trustiest among his

wand-wearers, when he saw that Cyrus had fallen to the ground, leapt

from his horse and threw his arms about him. Then, as one account

says, the king bade one slay him as a worthy victim to his brother:

others say that Artapates drew his scimitar and slew himself by his

own hand. A golden scimitar it is true, he had; he wore also a collar

and bracelets and the other ornaments such as the noblest Persians

wear; for his kindliness and fidelity had won him honours at the hands

of Cyrus.

(5) "Ctesias, the son of Ctesiochus, was a physician of Cnidos.

Seventeen years of his life were passed at the court of Persia,

fourteen in the service of Darios, three in that of Artaxerxes; he

returned to Greece in 398 B.C.," and "was employed by Artaxerxes

in diplomatic services." See Mure; also Ch. Muller, for his life

and works. He wrote (1) a history on Persian affairs in three

parts--Assyrian, Median, Persian--with a chapter "On Tributes;"

(2) a history of Indian affairs (written in the vein of Sir John

Maundeville, Kt.); (3) a Periplus; (4) a treatise on Mountains;

(5) a treatise on Rivers.

IX

So died Cyrus; a man the kingliest (1) and most worthy to rule of all 1

the Persians who have lived since the elder Cyrus: according to the

concurrent testimony of all who are reputed to have known him

intimately. To begin from the beginning, when still a boy, and whilst

being brought up with his brother and the other lads, his unrivalled

excellence was recognised. For the sons of the noblest Persians, it

must be known, are brought up, one and all, at the king's portals.

Here lessons of sobriety and self-control may largely be laid to

heart, while there is nothing base or ugly for eye or ear to feed

upon. There is the daily spectacle ever before the boys of some

receiving honour from the king, and again of others receiving

dishonour; and the tale of all this is in their ears, so that from

earliest boyhood they learn how to rule and to be ruled.

(1) The character now to be drawn is afterwards elaborated into the

Cyrus of the Cyropaedeia.

In this courtly training Cyrus earned a double reputation; first he

was held to be a paragon of modesty among his fellows, rendering an

obedience to his elders which exceeded that of many of his own

inferiors; and next he bore away the palm for skill in horsemanship

and for love of the animal itself. Nor less in matters of war, in the

use of the bow and the javelin, was he held by men in general to be at 5

once the aptest of learners and the most eager practiser. As soon as

his age permitted, the same pre-eminence showed itself in his fondness

for the chase, not without a certain appetite for perilous adventure

in facing the wild beasts themselves. Once a bear made a furious rush

at him (2), and without wincing he grappled with her, and was pulled

from his horse, receiving wounds the scars of which were visible

through life; but in the end he slew the creature, nor did he forget

him who first came to his aid, but made him enviable in the eyes of

many.

(2) The elder Cyrus, when a boy, kills not a bear but a boar.

After he had been sent down by his father to be satrap of Lydia and

Great Phrygia and Cappadocia, and had been appointed general of the

forces, whose business it is to muster in the plain of the Castolus,

nothing was more noticeable in his conduct than the importance which

he attached to the faithful fulfilment of every treaty or compact or

undertaking entered into with others. He would tell no lies to any

one. Thus doubtless it was that he won the confidence alike of

individuals and of the communities entrusted to his care; or in case

of hostility, a treaty made with Cyrus was a guarantee sufficient to

the combatant that he would suffer nothing contrary to its terms.

Therefore, in the war with Tissaphernes, all the states of their own

accord chose Cyrus in lieu of Tissaphernes, except only the men of

Miletus, and these were only alienated through fear of him, because he

refused to abandon their exiled citizens; and his deeds and words bore

emphatic witness to his principle: even if they were weakened in

number or in fortune, he would never abandon those who had once become

his friends.

He made no secret of his endeavour to outdo his friends and his foes

alike in reciprocity of conduct. The prayer has been attributed to

him, "God grant I may live along enough to recompense my friends and

requite my foes with a strong arm." However this may be, no one, at

least in our days, ever drew together so ardent a following of

friends, eager to lay at his feet their money, their cities, their own

lives and persons; nor is it to be inferred from this that he suffered

the malefactor and the wrongdoer to laugh him to scorn; on the 13

contrary, these he punished most unflinchingly. It was no rare sight

to see on the well-trodden highways, men who had forfeited hand or

foot or eye; the result being that throughout the satrapy of Cyrus any

one, Hellene or barbarian, provided he were innocent, might fearlessly

travel wherever he pleased, and take with him whatever he felt

disposed. However, as all allowed, it was for the brave in war that he

reserved especial honour. To take the first instance to hand, he had a

war with the Pisidians and Mysians. Being himself at the head of an

expedition into those territories, he could observe those who

voluntarily encountered risks; these he made rulers of the territory

which he subjected, and afterwards honoured them with other gifts. So

that, if the good and brave were set on a pinnacle of fortune, cowards

were recognised as their natural slaves; and so it befell that Cyrus

never had lack of volunteers in any service of danger, whenever it was

expected that his eye would be upon them.

So again, wherever he might discover any one ready to distinguish

himself in the service of uprightness, his delight was to make this

man richer than those who seek for gain by unfair means. On the same

principle, his own administration was in all respects uprightly

conducted, and, in particular, he secured the services of an army

worthy of the name. Generals, and subalterns alike, came to him from

across the seas, not merely to make money, but because they saw that

loyalty to Cyrus was a more profitable investment than so many pounds

a month. Let any man whatsoever render him willing service, such

enthusiasm was sure to win its reward. And so Cyrus could always

command the service of the best assistants, it was said, whatever the

work might be.

Or if he saw any skilful and just steward who furnished well the

country over which he ruled, and created revenues, so far from robbing

him at any time, to him who had, he delighted to give more. So that

toil was a pleasure, and gains were amassed with confidence, and least

of all from Cyrus would a man conceal the amount of his possessions,

seeing that he showed no jealousy of wealth openly avowed, but his 19

endeavour was rather to turn to account the riches of those who kept

them secret. Towards the friends he had made, whose kindliness he

knew, or whose fitness as fellow-workers with himself, in aught which

he might wish to carry out, he had tested, he showed himself in turn

an adept in the arts of courtesy. Just in proportion as he felt the

need of this friend or that to help him, so he tried to help each of

them in return in whatever seemed to be their heart's desire.

Many were the gifts bestowed on him, for many and diverse reasons; no

one man, perhaps, ever received more; no one, certainly, was ever more

ready to bestow them upon others, with an eye ever to the taste of

each, so as to gratify what he saw to be the individual requirement.

Many of these presents were sent to him to serve as personal

adornments of the body or for battle; and as touching these he would

say, "How am I to deck myself out in all these? to my mind a man's

chief ornament is the adornment of nobly-adorned friends." Indeed,

that he should triumph over his friends in the great matters of

welldoing is not surprising, seeing that he was much more powerful

than they, but that he should go beyond them in minute attentions, and

in an eager desire to give pleasure, seems to me, I must confess, more

admirable. Frequently when he had tasted some specially excellent

wine, he would send the half remaining flagon to some friend with a

message to say: "Cyrus says, this is the best wine he has tasted for a

long time, that is his excuse for sending it to you. He hopes you will

drink it up to-day with a choice party of friends." Or, perhaps, he

would send the remainder of a dish of geese, half loaves of bread, and

so forth, the bearer being instructed to say: "This is Cyrus's

favourite dish, he hopes you will taste it yourself." Or, perhaps,

there was a great dearth of provender, when, through the number of his

servants and his own careful forethought, he was enabled to get

supplies for himself; at such times he would send to his friends in

different parts, bidding them feed their horses on his hay, since it

would not do for the horses that carried his friends to go starving.

Then, on any long march or expedition, where the crowd of lookers-on 28

would be large, he would call his friends to him and entertain them

with serious talk, as much as to say, "These I delight to honour."

So that, for myself, and from all that I can hear, I should be

disposed to say that no one, Greek or barbarian, was ever so beloved.

In proof of this, I may cite the fact that, though Cyrus was the

king's vassal and slave, no one ever forsook him to join his master,

if I may except the attempt of Orontas, which was abortive. That man,

indeed, had to learn that Cyrus was closer to the heart of him on

whose fidelity he relied than he himself was. On the other hand, many

a man revolted from the king to Cyrus, after they went to war with one

another; nor were these nobodies, but rather persons high in the

king's affection; yet for all that, they believed that their virtues

would obtain a reward more adequate from Cyrus than from the king.

Another great proof at once of his own worth and of his capacity

rightly to discern all loyal, loving and firm friendship is afforded

by an incident which belongs to the last moment of his life. He was

slain, but fighting for his life beside him fell also every one of his

faithful bodyguard of friends and table-companions, with the sole

exception of Ariaeus, who was in command of the cavalry on the left,

and he no sooner perceived the fall of Cyrus than he betook himself to

flight, with the whole body of troops under his lead.

X

Then the head of Cyrus and his right hand were severed from the body. 1

But the king and those about him pursued and fell upon the Cyreian

camp, and the troops of Ariaeus no longer stood their ground, but fled

through their own camp back to the halting-place of the night

before--a distance of four parasangs, it was said. So the king and

those with him fell to ravaging right and left, and amongst other

spoil he captured the Phocaean woman, who was a concubine of Cyrus,

witty and beautiful, if fame speaks correctly. The Milesian, who was

the younger, was also seized by some of the king's men; but, letting

go her outer garment, she made good her escape to the Hellenes, who

had been left among the camp followers on guard. These fell at once 3

into line and put to the sword many of the pillagers, though they lost

some men themselves; they stuck to the place and succeeded in saving

not only that lady, but all else, whether chattels or human beings,

which lay within their reach.

At this point the king and the Hellenes were something like three

miles apart; the one set were pursuing their opponents just as if

their conquest had been general; the others were pillaging as merrily

as if their victory were already universal. But when the Hellenes

learnt that the king and his troops were in the baggage camp; and the

king, on his side, was informed by Tissaphernes that the Hellenes were

victorious in their quarter of the field, and had gone forward in

pursuit, the effect was instantaneous. The king massed his troops and

formed into line. Clearchus summoned Proxenus, who was next him, and

debated whether to send a detachment or to go in a body to the camp to

save it.

Meanwhile the king was seen again advancing, as it seemed, from the

rear; and the Hellenes, turning right about, prepared to receive his

attack then and there. But instead of advancing upon them at that

point, he drew off, following the line by which he had passed earlier

in the day, outside the left wing of his opponent, and so picked up in

his passage those who had deserted to the Hellenes during the battle,

as also Tissaphernes and his division. The latter had not fled in the

first shock of the encounter; he had charged parallel to the line of

the Euphrates into the Greek peltasts, and through them. But charge as

he might, he did not lay low a single man. On the contrary, the

Hellenes made a gap to let them through, hacking them with their

swords and hurling their javelins as they passed. Episthenes of

Amphipolis was in command of the peltasts, and he showed himself a

sensible man, it was said. Thus it was that Tissaphernes, having got

through haphazard, with rather the worst of it, failed to wheel round

and return the way he came, but reaching the camp of the Hellenes, 8

there fell in with the king; and falling into order again, the two

divisions advanced side by side.

When they were parallel with the (original) left wing of the Hellenes,

fear seized the latter lest they might take them in flank and enfold

them on both sides and cut them down. In this apprehension they

determined to extend their line and place the river on their rear. But

while they deliberated, the king passed by and ranged his troops in

line to meet them, in exactly the same position in which he had

advanced to offer battle at the commencement of the engagement. The

Hellenes, now seeing them in close proximity and in battle order, once

again raised the paean and began the attack with still greater

enthusiasm than before: and once again the barbarians did not wait to

receive them, but took to flight, even at a greater distance than

before. The Hellenes pressed the pursuit until they reached a certain

village, where they halted, for above the village rose a mound, on

which the king and his party rallied and reformed; they had no

infantry any longer, but the crest was crowded with cavalry, so that

it was impossible to discover what was happening. They did see, they

said, the royal standard, a kind of golden eagle, with wings extended,

perched on a bar of wood and raised upon a lance.

But as soon as the Hellenes again moved onwards, the hostile cavalry

at once left the hillock--not in a body any longer, but in

fragments--some streaming from one side, some from another; and the

crest was gradually stripped of its occupants, till at last the

company was gone. Accordingly, Clearchus did not ascend the crest, but

posting his army at its base, he sent Lycius of Syracuse and another

to the summit, with orders to inspect the condition of things on the

other side, and to report results. Lycius galloped up and

investigated, bringing back news that they were fleeing might and

main. Almost at that instant the sun sank beneath the horizon. There

the Hellenes halted; they grounded arms and rested, marvelling the

while that Cyrus was not anywhere to be seen, and that no messenger

had come from him. For they were in complete ignorance of his death,

and conjectured that either he had gone off in pursuit, or had pushed

forward to occupy some point. Left to themselves, they now

deliberated, whether they should stay where they were and have the

baggage train brought up, or should return to camp. They resolved to

return, and about supper time reached the tents. Such was the

conclusion of this day.

They found the larger portion of their property pillaged, eatables and

drinkables alike, not excepting the wagons laden with corn and wine,

which Cyrus had prepared in case of some extreme need overtaking the

expedition, to divide among the Hellenes. There were four hundred of

these wagons, it was said, and these had now been ransacked by the

king and his men; so that the greater number of the Hellenes went

supperless, having already gone without their breakfasts, since the

king had appeared before the usual halt for breakfast. Accordingly, in

no better plight than this they passed the night.

BOOK II

(In the previous book will be found a full account of the

method by which Cyrus collected a body of Greeks when

meditating an expedition against his brother Artaxerxes; as

also of various occurrences on the march up; of the battle

itself, and of the death of Cyrus; and lastly, a description

of the arrival of the Hellenes in camp after the battle, and

as to how they betook themselves to rest, none suspecting

but what they were altogether victorious and that Cyrus

lived.)

I

With the break of day the generals met, and were surprised that Cyrus 1

should not have appeared himself, or at any rate have sent some one to

tell them what to do. Accordingly, they resolved to put what they had

together, to get under arms, and to push forward until they effected

junction with Cyrus. Just as they were on the point of starting, with

the rising sun came Procles the ruler of Teuthrania. He was a

descendant of Damaratus (1) the Laconian, and with him also came Glus

the son of Tamos. These two told them, first, that Cyrus was dead;

next, that Ariaeus had retreated with the rest of the barbarians to

the halting-place whence they had started at dawn on the previous day;

and wished to inform them that, if they were minded to come, he would

wait for this one day, but on the morrow he should return home again

to Ionia, whence he came.

(1) The Spartan king who was deposed in B.C. 491, whereupon he fled to

King Darius, and settled in south-western Mysia. See Herod. vi.

50, 61-70. We shall hear more of his descendant, Procles, the

ruler of Teuthrania, in the last chapter of this work.

When they heard these tidings, the generals were sorely distressed; so 4

too were the rest of the Hellenes when they were informed of it. Then

Clearchus spoke as follows: "Would that Cyrus were yet alive! But

since he is dead, take back this answer to Ariaeus, that we, at any

rate, have conquered the king; and, as you yourselves may see, there

is not a man left in the field to meet us. Indeed, had you not

arrived, we should ere this have begun our march upon the king. Now,

we can promise to Ariaeus that, if he will join us here, we will place

him on the king's throne. Surely to those who conquer empire

pertains." With these words he sent back the messengers and with them

he sent Cheirisophus the Laconian, and Menon the Thessalian. That was

what Menon himself wished, being, as he was, a friend and intimate of

Ariaeus, and bound by mutual ties of hospitality. So these set off,

and Clearchus waited for them.

The soldiers furnished themselves with food (and drink) as best they

might--falling back on the baggage animals, and cutting up oxen and

asses. There was no lack of firewood; they need only step forward a

few paces from the line where the battle was fought, and they would

find arrows to hand in abundance, which the Hellenes had forced the

deserters from the king to throw away. There were arrows and wicker

shields also, and the huge wooden shields of the Egyptians. There were

many targets also, and empty wagons left to be carried off. Here was a

store which they were not slow to make use of to cook their meat and

serve their meals that day.

It was now about full market hour (2) when heralds from the king and

Tissaphernes arrived. These were barbarians with one exception. This

was a certain Phalinus, a Hellene who lived at the court of

Tissaphernes, and was held in high esteem. He gave himself out to be a

connoisseur of tactics and the art of fighting with heavy arms. These

were the men who now came up, and having summoned the generals of the

Hellenes, they delivered themselves of the following message: "The

great king having won the victory and slain Cyrus, bids the Hellenes

to surrender their arms; to betake themselves to the gates of the

king's palace, and there obtain for themselves what terms they can."

That was what the heralds said, and the Hellenes listened with heavy 9

hearts; but Clearchus spoke, and his words were few; "Conquerors do

not, as a rule, give up their arms"; then turning to the others he

added, "I leave it to you, my fellow-generals, to make the best and

noblest answer, that ye may, to these gentlemen. I will rejoin you

presently." At the moment an official had summoned him to come and

look at the entrails which had been taken out, for, as it chanced, he

was engaged in sacrificing. As soon as he was gone, Cleanor the

Arcadian, by right of seniority, answered: "They would sooner die than

give up their arms." Then Proxenus the Theban said: "For my part, I

marvel if the king demands our arms as our master, or for the sake of

friendship merely, as presents. If as our master, why need he ask for

them rather than come and take them? But if he would fain wheedle us

out of them by fine speeches, he should tell us what the soldiers will

receive in turn for such kindness." In answer to him Phalinus said:

"The king claims to have conquered, because he has put Cyrus to death;

and who is there now to claim the kingdom as against himself? He

further flatters himself that you also are in his power, since he

holds you in the heart of his country, hemmed in by impassable rivers;

and he can at any moment bring against you a multitude so vast that

even if leave were given to rise and slay you could not kill them."

After him Theopompus (3) the Athenian spoke. "Phalinus," he said, "at

this instant, as you yourself can see, we have nothing left but our

arms and our valour. If we keep the former we imagine we can make use

of the latter; but if we deliver up our arms we shall presently be

robbed of our lives. Do not suppose then that we are going to give up

to you the only good things which we possess. We prefer to keep them;

and by their help we will do battle with you for the good things which

are yours." Phalinus laughed when he heard those words, and said: 13

"Spoken like a philosopher, my fine young man, and very pretty

reasoning too; yet, let me tell you, your wits are somewhat scattered

if you imagine that your valour will get the better of the king's

power." There were one or two others, it was said, who with a touch of

weakness in their tone or argument, made answer: "They had proved good

and trusty friends to Cyrus, and the king might find them no less

valuable. If he liked to be friends with them, he might turn them to

any use that pleased his fancy, say for a campaign against Egypt.

Their arms were at his service; they would help to lay that country at

his feet."

(2) 10 A.M.

(3) So the best MSS. Others read "Xenophon," which Kruger maintains to

be the true reading. He suggests that "Theopompus" may have crept

into the text from a marginal note of a scholiast, "Theopompus"

(the historian) "gives the remark to Proxenus."

Just then Clearchus returned, and wished to know what answer they had

given. The words were barely out of his mouth before Phalinus

interrupting, answered: "As for your friends here, one says one thing

and one another; will you please give us your opinion"; and he

replied: "The sight of you, Phalinus, caused me much pleasure; and not

only me, but all of us, I feel sure; for you are a Hellene even as we

are--every one of us whom you see before you. In our present plight we

would like to take you into our counsel as to what we had better do

touching your proposals. I beg you then solemnly, in the sight of

heaven--do you tender us such advice as you shall deem best and

worthiest, and such as shall bring you honour of after time, when it

will be said of you how once on a time Phalinus was sent by the great

king to bid certain Hellenes yield up their arms, and when they had

taken him into their counsel, he gave them such and such advice. You

know that whatever advice you do give us cannot fail to be reported in

Hellas."

Clearchus threw out these leading remarks in hopes that this man, who

was the ambassador from the king, might himself be led to advise them

not to give up their arms, in which case the Hellenes would be still

more sanguine and hopeful. But, contrary to his expectation, Phalinus

turned round and said: "I say that if you have one chance, one hope in

ten thousand to wage a war with the king successfully, do not give up

your arms. That is my advice. If, however, you have no chance of

escape without the king's consent, then I say save yourselves in the

only way you can." And Clearchus answered: "So, then, that is your 20

deliberate view? Well, this is our answer, take it back. We conceive

that in either case, whether we are expected to be friends with the

king, we shall be worth more as friends if we keep our arms than if we

yield them to another; or whether we are to go to war, we shall fight

better with them than without." And Phalinus said: "That answer we

will repeat; but the king bade me tell you this besides, 'Whilst you

remain here there is truce; but one step forward or one step back, the

truce ends; there is war.' Will you then please inform us as to that

point also? Are you minded to stop and keep truce, or is there to be

war? What answer shall I take from you?" And Clearchus replied: "Pray

answer that we hold precisely the same views on this point as the

king."--"How say you the same views?" asked Phalinus. Clearchus made

answer: "As long as we stay here there is truce, but a step forward or

a step backward, the truce ends; there is war." The other again asked:

"Peace or war, what answer shall I make?" Clearchus returned answer

once again in the same words: "Truce if we stop, but if we move

forwards or backwards war." But what he was minded really to do, that

he refused to make further manifest.

II

Phalinus and those that were with him turned and went. But the 1

messengers from Ariaeus, Procles and Cheirisophus came back. As to

Menon, he stayed behind with Ariaeus, They brought back this answer

from Ariaeus: "'There are many Persians,' he says, 'better than

himself who will not suffer him to sit upon the king's throne; but if

you are minded to go back with him, you must join him this very night,

otherwise he will set off himself to-morrow on the homeward route.'"

And Clearchus said: "It had best stand thus between us then. If we

come, well and good, be it as you propose; but if we do not come, do

whatsoever you think most conducive to your interests." And so he kept

these also in the dark as to his real intention.

After this, when the sun was already sinking, he summoned the generals

and officers, and made the following statement: "Sirs, I sacrificed

and found the victims unfavourable to an advance against the king.

After all, it is not so surprising perhaps, for, as I now learn,

between us and the king flows the river Tigris, navigable for big 3

vessels, and we could not possibly cross it without boats, and boats

we have none. On the other hand, to stop here is out of the question,

for there is no possibility of getting provisions. However, the

victims were quite agreeable to us joining the friends of Cyrus. This

is what we must do then. Let each go away and sup on whatever he has.

At the first sound of the bugle to turn in, get kit and baggage

together; at the second signal, place them on the baggage animals; and

at the third, fall in and follow the lead, with the baggage animals on

the inside protected by the river, and the troops outside." After

hearing the orders, the generals and officers retired, and did as they

were bid; and for the future Clearchus led, and the rest followed in

obedience to his orders, not that they had expressly chosen him, but

they saw that he alone had the sense and wisdom requisite in a

general, while the rest were inexperienced (1).

(1) The MSS. add the words, "The total distance of the route, taking

Ephesus in Ionia as the starting point up to the field of battle,

consisted of 93 stages, 535 parasangs, or 16,050 furlongs; from

the battle-field to Babylon (reckoned a three days' journey) would

have been another 360 stades," which may well be an editor's or

commentator's marginal note.

Here, under cover of the darkness which descended, the Thracian

Miltocythes, with forty horsemen and three hundred Thracian infantry,

deserted to the king; but the rest of the troops--Clearchus leading

and the rest following in accordance with the orders promulgated--took

their departure, and about midnight reached their first stage, having

come up with Ariaeus and his army. They grounded arms just as they

stood in rank, and the generals and officers of the Hellenes met in

the tent of Ariaeus. There they exchanged oaths--the Hellenes on the

one side and Ariaeus with his principal officers on the other--not to

betray one another, but to be true to each other as allies. The

Asiatics further solemnly pledged themselves by oath to lead the way

without treachery. The oaths were ratified by the sacrifice of a bull,

a wolf (2), a boar, and a ram over a shield. The Hellenes dipped a

sword, the barbarians a lance, into the blood of the victims.

(2) It is a question whether the words "a wolf" ought not to be

omitted.

As soon as the pledge was taken, Clearchus spoke: "And now, Ariaeus,"

he said, "since you and we have one expedition in prospect, will you 10

tell us what you think about the route; shall we return the way we

came, or have you devised a better?" He answered: "To return the same

way is to perish to a man by hunger; for at this moment we have no

provisions whatsoever. During the seventeen last stages, even on our

way hither, we could extract nothing from the country; or, if there

was now and again anything, we passed over and utterly consumed it. At

this time our project is to take another and a longer journey

certainly, but we shall not be in straits for provisions. The earliest

stages must be very long, as long as we can make them; the object is

to put as large a space as possible between us and the royal army;

once we are two or three days' journey off, the danger is over. The

king will never overtake us. With a small army he will not dare to dog

our heels, and with a vast equipment he will lack the power to march

quickly. Perhaps he, too, may even find a scarcity of provisions.

There," said he, "you asked for my opinion, see, I have given it."

Here was a plan of the campaign, which was equivalent to a stampede:

helter-skelter they were to run away, or get into hiding somehow; but

fortune proved a better general. For as soon as it was day they

recommenced the journey, keeping the sun on their right, and

calculating that with the westering rays they would have reached

villages in the territory of Babylonia, and in this hope they were not

deceived. While it was yet afternoon, they thought they caught sight

of some of the enemy's cavalry; and those of the Hellenes who were not

in rank ran to their ranks; and Ariaeus, who was riding in a wagon to

nurse a wound, got down and donned his cuirass, the rest of his party

following his example. Whilst they were arming themselves, the scouts,

who had been sent forward, came back with the information that they

were not cavalry but baggage animals grazing. It was at once clear to

all that they must be somewhere in the neighbourhood of the king's

encampment. Smoke could actually be seen rising, evidently from

villages not far ahead. Clearchus hesitated to advance upon the enemy,

knowing that the troops were tired and hungry; and indeed it was

already late. On the other hand he had no mind either to swerve from

his route--guarding against any appearance of flight. Accordingly he 16

marched straight as an arrow, and with sunset entered the nearest

villages with his vanguard and took up quarters.

These villages had been thoroughly sacked and dismantled by the royal

army--down to the very woodwork and furniture of the houses. Still,

the vanguard contrived to take up their quarters in some sort of

fashion; but the rear division, coming up in the dark, had to bivouac

as best they could, one detachment after another; and a great noise

they made, with hue and cry to one another, so that the enemy could

hear them; and those in their immediate proximity actually took to

their heels, left their quarters, and decamped, as was plain enough

next morning, when not a beast was to be seen, nor sign of camp or

wreath of smoke anywhere in the neighbourhood. The king, as it would

appear, was himself quite taken aback by the advent of the army; as he

fully showed by his proceedings next day.

During the progress of this night the Hellenes had their turn of

scare--a panic seized them, and there was a noise and clatter, hardly

to be explained except by the visitation of some sudden terror. But

Clearchus had with him the Eleian Tolmides, the best herald of his

time; him he ordered to proclaim silence, and then to give out this

proclamation of the generals: "Whoever will give any information as to

who let an ass into the camp shall receive a talent of silver in

reward." On hearing this proclamation the soldiers made up their minds

that their fear was baseless, and their generals safe and sound. At

break of day Clearchus gave the order to the Hellenes to get under

arms in line of battle, and take up exactly the same position as they

held on the day of the battle.

III

And now comes the proof of what I stated above--that the king was 1

utterly taken aback by the sudden apparition of the army; only the day

before, he had sent and demanded the surrender of their arms--and now,

with the rising sun, came heralds sent by him to arrange a truce.

These, having reached the advanced guard, asked for the generals. The

guard reported their arrival; and Clearchus, who was busy inspecting

the ranks, sent back word to the heralds that they must await his

leisure. Having carefully arranged the troops so that from every side

they might present the appearance of a compact battle line without a 3

single unarmed man in sight, he summoned the ambassadors, and himself

went forward to meet them with the soldiers, who for choice

accoutrement and noble aspect were the flower of his force; a course

which he had invited the other generals also to adopt.

And now, being face to face with the ambassadors, he questioned them

as to what their wishes were. They replied that they had come to

arrange a truce, and were persons competent to carry proposals from

the king to the Hellenes and from the Hellenes to the king. He

returned answer to them: "Take back word then to your master, that we

need a battle first, for we have had no breakfast; and he will be a

brave man who will dare mention the word 'truce' to Hellenes without

providing them with breakfast." With this message the heralds rode

off, but were back again in no time, which was a proof that the king,

or some one appointed by him to transact the business, was hard by.

They reported that "the message seemed reasonable to the king; they

had now come bringing guides who, if a truce were arranged, would

conduct them where they would get provisions." Clearchus inquired

"whether the truce was offered to the individual men merely as they

went and came, or to all alike." "To all," they replied, "until the

king receives your final answer." When they had so spoken, Clearchus,

having removed the ambassadors, held a council; and it was resolved to

make a truce at once, and then quietly to go and secure provisions;

and Clearchus said: "I agree to the resolution; still I do not propose

to announce it at once, but to wile away time till the ambassadors

begin to fear that we have decided against the truce; though I

suspect," he added, "the same fear will be operative on the minds of

our soldiers also." As soon as the right moment seemed to have

arrived, he delivered his answer in favour of the truce, and bade the

ambassadors at once conduct them to the provisions.

So these led the way; and Clearchus, without relaxing precaution, in

spite of having secured a truce, marched after them with his army in

line and himself in command of the rearguard. Over and over again they

encountered trenches and conduits so full of water that they could not 10

be crossed without bridges; but they contrived well enough for these

by means of trunks of palm trees which had fallen, or which they cut

down for the occasion. And here Clearchus's system of superintendence

was a study in itself; as he stood with a spear in his left hand and a

stick in the other; and when it seemed to him there was any dawdling

among the parties told off to the work, he would pick out the right

man and down would come the stick; nor, at the same time, was he above

plunging into the mud and lending a hand himself, so that every one

else was forced for very shame to display equal alacrity. The men told

off for the business were the men of thirty years of age; but even the

elder men, when they saw the energy of Clearchus, could not resist

lending their aid also. What stimulated the haste of Clearchus was the

suspicion in his mind that these trenches were not, as a rule, so full

of water, since it was not the season to irrigate the plain; and he

fancied that the king had let the water on for the express purpose of

vividly presenting to the Hellenes the many dangers with which their

march was threatened at the very start.

Proceeding on their way they reached some villages, where their guides

indicated to them that they would find provisions. They were found to

contain plenty of corn, and wine made from palm dates, and an

acidulated beverage extracted by boiling from the same fruit. As to

the palm nuts or dates themselves, it was noticeable that the sort

which we are accustomed to see in Hellas were set aside for the

domestic servants; those put aside for the masters are picked

specimens, and are simply marvellous for their beauty and size,

looking like great golden lumps of amber; some specimens they dried

and preserved as sweetmeats. Sweet enough they were as an

accompaniment of wine, but apt to give headache. Here, too, for the

first time in their lives, the men tasted the brain (1) of the palm. No

one could help being struck by the beauty of this object, and the

peculiarity of its delicious flavour; but this, like the dried fruits,

was exceedingly apt to give headache. When this cabbage or brain has

been removed from the palm the whole tree withers from top to bottom.

(1) I.e. the cabbage-like crown.

In these villages they remained three days, and a deputation from the 17

great king arrived--Tissaphernes and the king's brother-in-law and

three other Persians--with a retinue of many slaves. As soon as the

generals of the Hellenes had presented themselves, Tissaphernes opened

the proceedings with the following speech, through the lips of an

interpreter: "Men of Hellas, I am your next-door neighbour in Hellas.

Therefore was it that I, when I saw into what a sea of troubles you

were fallen, regarded it as a godsend, if by any means I might obtain,

as a boon from the king, the privilege of bringing you back in safety

to your own country: and that, I take it, will earn me gratitude from

you and all Hellas. In this determination I preferred my request to

the king; I claimed it as a favour which was fairly my due; for was it

not I who first announced to him the hostile approach of Cyrus? who

supported that announcement by the aid I brought; who alone among the

officers confronted with the Hellenes in battle did not flee, but

charged right through and united my troops with the king inside your

camp, where he was arrived, having slain Cyrus; it was I, lastly, who

gave chase to the barbarians under Cyrus, with the help of those here

present with me at this moment, which are also among the trustiest

followers of our lord the king. Now, I counsel you to give a moderate

answer, so that it may be easier for me to carry out my design, if

haply I may obtain from him some good thing on your behalf."

Thereupon the Hellenes retired and took counsel. Then they answered,

and Clearchus was their spokesman: "We neither mustered as a body to

make war against the king, nor was our march conducted with that

object. But it was Cyrus, as you know, who invented many and divers

pretexts, that he might take you off your guard, and transport us

hither. Yet, after a while, when we saw that he was in sore straits,

we were ashamed in the sight of God and man to betray him, whom we had

permitted for so long a season to benefit us. But now that Cyrus is

dead, we set up no claim to his kingdom against the king himself;

there is neither person nor thing for the sake of which we would care 23

to injure the king's country; we would not choose to kill him if we

could, rather we would march straight home, if we were not molested;

but, God helping us, we will retaliate on all who injure us. On the

other hand, if any be found to benefit us, we do not mean to be

outdone in kindly deeds, as far as in us lies."

So he spoke, and Tissaphernes listened and replied: "That answer will

I take back to the king and bring you word from him again. Until I

come again, let the truce continue, and we will furnish you with a

market." All next day he did not come back, and the Hellenes were

troubled with anxieties, but on the third day he arrived with the news

that he had obtained from the king the boon he asked; he was permitted

to save the Hellenes, though there were many gainsayers who argued

that it was not seemly for the king to let those who had marched

against him depart in peace. And at last he said: "You may now, if you

like, take pledges from us, that we will make the countries through

which you pass friendly to you, and will lead you back without

treachery into Hellas, and will furnish you with a market; and

wherever you cannot purchase, we will permit you to take provisions

from the district. You, on your side, must swear that you will march

as through a friendly country, without damage--merely taking food and

drink wherever we fail to supply a market--or, if we afford a market,

you shall only obtain provisions by paying for them." This was agreed

to, and oaths and pledges exchanged between them--Tissaphernes and the

king's brother-in-law upon the one side, and the generals and officers

of the Hellenes on the other. After this Tissaphernes said: "And now I

go back to the king; as soon as I have transacted what I have a mind

to, I will come back, ready equipped, to lead you away to Hellas, and

to return myself to my own dominion."

IV

After these things the Hellenes and Ariaeus waited for Tissaphernes, 1

being encamped close to one another: for more than twenty days they

waited, during which time there came visitors to Ariaeus, his brother

and other kinsfolk. To those under him came certain other Persians,

encouraging them and bearing pledges to some of them from the king

himself--that he would bear no grudge against them on account of the

part they bore in the expedition against him with Cyrus, or for aught

else of the things which were past. Whilst these overtures were being

made, Ariaeus and his friends gave manifest signs of paying less

attention to the Hellenes, so much so that, if for no other reason,

the majority of the latter were not well pleased, and they came to

Clearchus and the other generals, asking what they were waiting for.

"Do we not know full well," they said, "that the king would give a

great deal to destroy us, so that other Hellenes may take warning and

think twice before they march against the king. To-day it suits his

purpose to induce us to stop here, because his army is scattered; but

as soon as he has got together another armament, attack us most

certainly he will. How do we know he is not at this moment digging

away at trenches, or running up walls, to make our path impassable. It

is not to be supposed that he will desire us to return to Hellas with

a tale how a handful of men like ourselves beat the king at his own

gates, laughed him to scorn, and then came home again." Clearchus

replied: "I too am keenly aware of all this; but I reason thus: if we

turn our backs now, they will say, we mean war and are acting contrary

to the truce, and then what follows? First of all, no one will furnish

us with a market or means of providing ourselves with food. Next, we

shall have no one to guide us; moreover, such action on our part will

be a signal to Ariaeus to hold aloof from us, so that not a friend

will be left to us; even those who were formerly our friends will now

be numbered with our enemies. What other river, or rivers, we may find

we have to cross, I do not know; but this we know, to cross the

Euphrates in face of resistance is impossible. You see, in the event

of being driven to an engagement, we have no cavalry to help us, but

with the enemy it is the reverse--not only the most, but the best of

his troops are cavalry, so that if we are victorious, we shall kill no

one, but if we are defeated, not a man of us can escape. For my part,

I cannot see why the king, who has so many advantages on his side, if 7

he desires to destroy us, should swear oaths and tender solemn pledges

merely in order to perjure himself in the sight of heaven, to render

his word worthless and his credit discreditable the wide world over."

These arguments he propounded at length.

Meanwhile Tissaphernes came back, apparently ready to return home; he

had his own force with him, and so had Orontas, who was also present,

his. The latter brought, moreover, his bride with him, the king's

daughter, whom he had just wedded. The journey was now at length

fairly commenced. Tissaphernes led the way, and provided a market.

They advanced, and Ariaeus advanced too, at the head of Cyrus's

Asiatic troops, side by side with Tissaphernes and Orontas, and with

these two he also pitched his camp. The Hellenes, holding them in

suspicion, marched separately with the guides, and they encamped on

each occasion a parasang apart, or rather less; and both parties kept

watch upon each other as if they were enemies, which hardly tended to

lull suspicion; and sometimes, whilst foraging for wood and grass and

so forth on the same ground, blows were exchanged, which occasioned

further embitterments. Three stages they had accomplished ere they

reached the wall of Media, as it is called, and passed within it. It

was built of baked bricks laid upon bitumen. It was twenty feet broad

and a hundred feet high, and the length of it was said to be twenty

parasangs. It lies at no great distance from Babylon.

From this point they marched two stages--eight parasangs--and crossed

two canals, the first by a regular bridge, the other spanned by a

bridge of seven boats. These canals issued from the Tigris, and from

them a whole system of minor trenches was cut, leading over the

country, large ones to begin with, and then smaller and smaller, till

at last they become the merest runnels, like those in Hellas used for

watering millet fields. They reached the river Tigris. At this point

there was a large and thickly populated city named Sittace, at a 13

distance of fifteen furlongs from the river. The Hellenes accordingly

encamped by the side of that city, near a large and beautiful park,

which was thick with all sorts of trees.

The Asiatics had crossed the Tigris, but somehow were entirely hidden

from view. After supper, Proxenus and Xenophon were walking in front

of the place d'armes, when a man came up and demanded of the advanced

guard where he could find Proxenus or Clearchus. He did not ask for

Menon, and that too though he came from Ariaeus, who was Menon's

friend. As soon as Proxenus had said: "I am he, whom you seek," the

man replied: "I have been sent by Ariaeus and Artaozus, who have been

trusty friends to Cyrus in past days, and are your well-wishers. They

warn you to be on your guard, in case the barbarians attack you in the

night. There is a large body of troops in the neighbouring park. They

also warn you to send and occupy the bridge over the Tigris, since

Tissaphernes is minded to break it down in the night, if he can, so

that you may not cross, but be caught between the river and the

canal." On hearing this they took the man to Clearchus and acquainted

him with his statement. Clearchus, on his side, was much disturbed,

and indeed alarmed at the news. But a young fellow who was present (1),

struck with an idea, suggested that the two statements were

inconsistent; as to the contemplated attack and the proposed

destruction of the bridge. Clearly, the attacking party must either

conquer or be worsted: if they conquer, what need of their breaking

down the bridge? "Why! if there were half a dozen bridges," said he,

"we should not be any the more able to save ourselves by flight--there

would be no place to flee to; but, in the opposite case, suppose we

win, with the bridge broken down, it is they who will not be able to

save themselves by flight; and, what is worse for them, not a single

soul will be able to bring them succour from the other side, for all

their numbers, since the bridge will be broken down."

(1) Possibly Xenophon himself.

Clearchus listened to the reasoning, and then he asked the messenger,

"How large the country between the Tigris and the canal might be?" "A 21

large district," he replied, "and in it are villages and cities

numerous and large." Then it dawned upon them: the barbarians had sent

the man with subtlety, in fear lest the Hellenes should cut the bridge

and occupy the island territory, with the strong defences of the

Tigris on the one side and of the canal on the other; supplying

themselves with provisions from the country so included, large and

rich as it was, with no lack of hands to till it; in addition to

which, a harbour of refuge and asylum would be found for any one, who

was minded to do the king a mischief.

After this they retired to rest in peace, not, however, neglecting to

send a guard to occupy the bridge in spite of all, and there was no

attack from any quarter whatsoever; nor did any of the enemy's people

approach the bridges: so the guards were able to report next morning.

But as soon as it was morning, they proceeded to cross the bridge,

which consisted of thirty-seven vessels, and in so doing they used the

utmost precaution possible; for reports were brought by some of the

Hellenes with Tissaphernes that an attempt was to be made to attack

them while crossing. All this turned out to be false, though it is

true that while crossing they did catch sight of Glus watching, with

some others, to see if they crossed the river; but as soon as he had

satisfied himself on that point, he rode off and was gone.

From the river Tigris they advanced four stages--twenty parasangs--to

the river Physcus, which is a hundred feet broad and spanned by a

bridge. Here lay a large and populous city named Opis, close to which

the Hellenes were encountered by the natural brother of Cyrus and

Artaxerxes, who was leading a large army from Susa and Ecbatana to

assist the king. He halted his troops and watched the Helleens march

past. Clearchus led them in column two abreast: and from time to time

the vanguard came to a standstill, just so often and just so long the

effect repeated itself down to the hindmost man: halt! halt! halt!

along the whole line: so that even to the Hellenes themselves their

army seemed enormous; and the Persian was fairly astonished at the

spectacle.

From this place they marched through Media six desert stages--thirty 27

parasangs--to the villages of Parysatis, Cyrus's and the king's

mother. These Tissaphernes, in mockery of Cyrus, delivered over to the

Hellenes to plunder, except that the folk in them were not to be made

slaves. They contained much corn, cattle, and other property. From

this place they advanced four desert stages--twenty parasangs--keeping

the Tigris on the left. On the first of these stages, on the other

side of the river, lay a large city; it was a well-to-do place named

Caenae, from which the natives used to carry across loaves and cheeses

and wine on rafts made of skins.

V

After this they reached the river Zapatas (1), which is four hundred 1

feet broad, and here they halted three days. During the interval

suspicions were rife, though no act of treachery displayed itself.

Clearchus accordingly resolved to bring to an end these feelings of

mistrust, before they led to war. Consequently, he sent a messenger to

the Persian to say that he desired an interview with him; to which the

other readily consented. As soon as they were met, Clearchus spoke as

follows: "Tissaphernes," he said, "I do not forget that oaths have

been exchanged between us, and right hands shaken, in token that we

will abstain from mutual injury; but I can see that you watch us

narrowly, as if we were foes; and we, seeing this, watch you narrowly

in return. But as I fail to discover, after investigation, that you

are endeavouring to do us a mischief--and I am quite sure that nothing

of the sort has ever entered our heads with regard to you--the best

plan seemed to me to come and talk the matter over with you, so that,

if possible, we might dispel the mutual distrust on either side. For I

have known people ere now, the victims in some cases of calumny, or

possibly of mere suspicion, who in apprehension of one another and

eager to deal the first blow, have committed irreparable wrong against

those who neither intended nor so much as harboured a thought of

mischief against them. I have come to you under a conviction that such 6

misunderstandings may best be put a stop to by personal intercourse,

and I wish to instruct you plainly that you are wrong in mistrusting

us. The first and weightiest reason is that the oaths, which we took

in the sight of heaven, are a barrier to mutual hostility. I envy not

the man whose conscience tells him that he has disregarded these! For

in a war with heaven, by what swiftness of foot can a man escape?--in

what quarter find refuge?--in what darkness slink away and be hid?--to

what strong fortress scale and be out of reach? Are not all things in

all ways subject to the gods? is not their lordship over all alike

outspread? As touching the gods, therefore, and our oaths, that is how

I view this matter. To their safe keeping we consigned the friendship

which we solemnly contracted. But turning to matters human, you I look

upon as our greatest blessing in this present time. With you every

path is plain to us, every river passable, and of provisions we shall

know no stint. But without you, all our way is through darkness; for

we known nothing concerning it, every river will be an obstacle, each

multitude a terror; but, worst terror of all, the vast wilderness, so

full of endless perplexity. Nay, if in a fit of madness we murdered

you, what then? in slaying our benefactor should we not have

challenged to enter the lists against us a more formidable antagonist

in the king himself? Let me tell you, how many high hopes I should rob

myself of, were I to take in hand to do you mischief.

(1) The Greater Zab, which flows into the Tigris near a town now

called Senn, with which most travellers identify Caenae.

"I coveted the friendship of Cyrus; I believed him to be abler than

any man of his day to benefit those whom he chose; but to-day I look

and, behold, it is you who are in his place; the power which belonged 11

to Cyrus and his territory are yours now. You have them, and your own

satrapy besides, safe and sound; while the king's power, which was a

thorn in the side of Cyrus, is your support. This being so, it would

be madness not to wish to be your friend. But I will go further and

state to you the reasons of my confidence, that you on your side will

desire our friendship. I know that the Mysians are a cause of trouble

to you, and I flatter myself that with my present force I could render

them humbly obedient to you. This applies to the Pisidians also; and I

am told there are many other such tribes besides. I think I can deal

with them all; they shall cease from being a constant disturbance to

your peace and prosperity. Then there are the Egyptians (2). I know

your anger against them to-day is very great. Nor can I see what

better force you will find to help you in chastising them than this

which marches at my back to-day. Again, if you seek the friendship of

any of your neighbours round, there shall be no friend so great as

you; if any one annoys you, with us as your faithful servitors you

shall belord it over him; and such service we will render you, not as

hirelings merely for pay's sake, but for the gratitude which we shall

rightly feel to you, to whom we owe our lives. As I dwell on these

matters, I confess, the idea of your feeling mistrust of us is so

astonishing, that I would give much to discover the name of the man,

who is so clever of speech that he can persuade you that we harbour

designs against you." Clearchus ended, and Tissaphernes responded

thus--

(2) We learn from Diodorus Siculus, xiv. 35, that the Egyptians had

revolted from the Persians towards the end of the reign of Darius.

"I am glad, Clearchus, to listen to your sensible remarks; for with

the sentiments you hold, if you were to devise any mischief against

me, it could only be out of malevolence to yourself. But if you

imagine that you, on your side, have any better reason to mistrust the

king and me, than we you, listen to me in turn, and I will undeceive

you. I ask you, does it seem to you that we lack the means, if we had

the will, to destroy you? have we not horsemen enough, or infantry, or

whatever other arm you like, whereby we may be able to injure you,

without risk of suffering in return? or, possibly, do we seem to you 17

to lack the physical surroundings suitable for attacking you? Do you

not see all these great plains, which you find it hard enough to

traverse even when they are friendly? and all yonder great mountain

chains left for you to cross, which we can at any time occupy in

advance and render impassable? and all those rivers, on whose banks we

can deal craftily by you, checking and controlling and choosing the

right number of you whom we care to fight! Nay, there are some which

you will not be able to cross at all, unless we transport you to the

other side.

"And if at all these points we were worsted, yet 'fire,' as they say,

'is stronger than the fruit of the field': we can burn it down and

call up famine in arms against you; against which you, for all your

bravery, will never be able to contend. Why then, with all these

avenues of attack, this machinery of war, open to us, not one of which

can be turned against ourselves, why should we select from among them

all that method, which alone in the sight of God is impious and of man

abominable? Surely it belongs to people altogether without resources,

who are helplessly struggling in the toils of fate, and are villains

to boot, to seek accomplishment of their desires by perjury to heaven

and faithlessness to their fellows. We are not so unreasoning,

Clearchus, nor so foolish.

"Why, when we had it in our power to destroy you, did we not proceed

to do it? Know well that the cause of this was nothing less than my

passion to prove myself faithful to the Hellenes, and that, as Cyrus

went up, relying on a foreign force attracted by payment, I in turn

might go down strong in the same through service rendered. Various

ways in which you Hellenes may be useful to me you yourself have

mentioned, but there is one still greater. It is the great king's

privilege alone to wear the tiara upright upon his head, yet in your

presence it may be given to another mortal to wear it upright, here,

upon his heart."

Throughout this speech he seemed to Clearchus to be speaking the

truth, and he rejoined: "Then are not those worthy of the worst 24

penalties who, in spite of all that exists to cement our friendship,

endeavour by slander to make us enemies?" "Even so," replied

Tissaphernes, "and if your generals and captains care to come in some

open and public way, I will name to you those who tell me that you are

plotting against me and the army under me." "Good," replied Clearchus.

"I will bring all, and I will show you, on my side, the source from

which I derive my information concerning you."

After this conversation Tissaphernes, with kindliest expression,

invited Clearchus to remain with him at the time, and entertained him

at dinner. Next day Clearchus returned to the camp, and made no secret

of his persuasion that he at any rate stood high in the affections of

Tissaphernes, and he reported what he had said, insisting that those

invited ought to go to Tissaphernes, and that any Hellene convicted of

calumnious language ought to be punished, not only as traitors

themselves, but as disaffected to their fellow-countrymen. The

slanderer and traducer was Menon; so, at any rate, he suspected,

because he knew that he had had meetings with Tissaphernes whilst he

was with Ariaeus, and was factiously opposed to himself, plotting how

to win over the whole army to him, as a means of winning the good

graces of Tissaphernes. But Clearchus wanted the entire army to give

its mind to no one else, and that refractory people should be put out

of the way. Some of the soldiers protested: the captains and generals

had better not all go; it was better not to put too much confidence in

Tissaphernes. But Clearchus insisted so strongly that finally it was

arranged for five generals to go and twenty captains. These were

accompanied by about two hundred of the other soldiers, who took the

opportunity of marketing.

On arrival at the doors of Tissaphernes's quarters the generals were

summoned inside. They were Proxenus the Boeotian, Menon the

Thessalian, Agias the Arcadian, Clearchus the Laconian, and Socrates

the Achaean; while the captains remained at the doors. Not long after

that, at one and the same signal, those within were seized and those

without cut down; after which some of the barbarian horsemen galloped

over the plain, killing every Hellene they encountered, bond or free. 32

The Hellenes, as they looked from the camp, viewed that strange

horsemanship with surprise, and could not explain to themselves what

it all meant, until Nicarchus the Arcadian came tearing along for bare

life with a wound in the belly, and clutching his protruding entrails

in his hands. He told them all that had happened. Instantly the

Hellenes ran to their arms, one and all, in utter consternation, and

fully expecting that the enemy would instantly be down upon the camp.

However, they did not all come; only Ariaeus came, and Artaozus and

Mithridates, who were Cyrus's most faithful friends; but the

interpreter of the Hellenes said he saw and recognised the brother of

Tissaphernes also with them. They had at their back other Persians

also, armed with cuirasses, as many as three hundred. As soon as they

were within a short distance, they bade any general or captain of the

Hellenes who might be there to approach and hear a message from the

king. After this, two Hellene generals went out with all precaution.

These were Cleanor the Orchomenian (3), and Sophaenetus the

Stymphalion, attended by Xenophon the Athenian, who went to learn news

of Proxenus. Cheirisophus was at the time away in a village with a

party gathering provisions. As soon as they had halted within earshot,

Ariaeus said: "Hellenes, Clearchus being shown to have committed

perjury and to have broken the truce, has suffered the penalty, and he

is dead; but Proxenus and Menon, in return for having given

information of his treachery, are in high esteem and honour. As to

yourselves, the king demands your arms. He claims them as his, since

they belonged to Cyrus, who was his slave." To this the Hellenes made

answer by the mouth of Cleanor of Orchomenus, their spokesman, who

said, addressing Ariaeus: "Thou villain, Ariaeus, and you the rest of

you, who were Cyrus's friends, have you no shame before God or man,

first to swear to us that you have the same friends and the same

enemies as we ourselves, and then to turn and betray us, making common

cause with Tissaphernes, that most impious and villainous of men? With

him you have murdered the very men to whom you gave your solemn word

and oath, and to the rest of us turned traitors; and, having so done, 39

you join hand with our enemies to come against us." Ariaeus answered:

"There is no doubt but that Clearchus has been known for some time to

harbour designs against Tissaphernes and Orontas, and all of us who

side with them." Taking up this assertion, Xenophon said: "Well, then,

granting that Clearchus broke the truce contrary to our oaths, he has

his deserts, for perjurers deserve to perish; but where are Proxenus

and Menon, our generals and your good friends and benefactors, as you

admit? Send them back to us. Surely, just because they are friends of

both parites, they will try to give us the best advice for you and for

us."

At this, the Asiatics stood discussing with one another for a long

while, and then they went away without vouchsafing a word.

VI

The generals who were thus seized were taken up to the king and there 1

decapitated. The first of these, Clearchus, was a thorough soldier,

and a true lover of fighting. This is the testimony of all who knew

him intimately. As long as the war between the Lacedaemonians and

Athenians lasted, he could find occupation at home; but after the

peace, he persuaded his own city that the Thracians were injuring the

Hellenes, and having secured his object, set sail, empowered by the

ephorate to make war upon the Thracians north of the Chersonese and

Perinthus. But he had no sooner fairly started than, for some reason

or other, the ephors changed their minds, and endeavoured to bring him

back again from the isthmus. Thereupon he refused further obedience,

and went off with sails set for the Hellespont. In consequence he was

condemned to death by the Spartan authorities for disobedience to

orders; and now, finding himself an exile, he came to Cyrus. Working

on the feelings of that prince, in language described elsewhere, he

received from his entertainer a present of ten thousand darics. Having

got this money, he did not sink into a life of ease and indolence, but

collected an army with it, carried on war against the Thracians, and 5

conquered them in battle, and from that date onwards harried and

plundered them with war incessantly, until Cyrus wanted his army;

whereupon he at once went off, in hopes of finding another sphere of

warfare in his company.

These, I take it, were the characteristic acts of a man whose

affections are set on warfare. When it is open to him to enjoy peace

with honour, no shame, no injury attached, still he prefers war; when

he may live at home at ease, he insists on toil, if only it may end in

fighting; when it is given to him to keep his riches without risk, he

would rather lessen his fortune by the pastime of battle. To put it

briefly, war was his mistress; just as another man will spend his

fortune on a favourite, or to gratify some pleasure, so he chose to

squander his substance on soldiering.

But if the life of a soldier was a passion with him, he was none the

less a soldier born, as herein appears; danger was a delight to him;

he courted it, attacking the enemy by night or by day; and in

difficulties he did not lose his head, as all who ever served in a

campaign with him would with one consent allow. A good solder! the

question arises, Was he equally good as a commander? It must be

admitted that, as far as was compatible with his quality of temper, he

was; none more so. Capable to a singular degree of devising how his

army was to get supplies, and of actually getting them, he was also

capable of impressing upon those about him that Clearchus must be

obeyed; and that he brought about by the very hardness of his nature.

With a scowling expression and a harshly-grating voice, he chastised

with severity, and at times with such fury, that he was sorry

afterwards himself for what he had done. Yet it was not without

purpose that he applied the whip; he had a theory that there was no

good to be got out of an unchastened army. A saying of his is recorded

to the effect that the soldier who is to mount guard and keep his

hands off his friends, and be ready to dash without a moment's

hesitation against the foe--must fear his commander more than the

enemy. Accordingly, in any strait, this was the man whom the soldiers

were eager to obey, and they would have no other in his place. The 11

cloud which lay upon his brow, at those times lit up with brightness;

his face became radiant, and the old sternness was so charged with

vigour and knitted strength to meet the foe, that it savoured of

salvation, not of cruelty. But when the pinch of danger was past, and

it was open to them to go and taste subordination under some other

officer, many forsook him. So lacking in grace of manner was he; but

was ever harsh and savage, so that the feeling of the soldiers towards

him was that of schoolboys to a master. In other words, though it was

not his good fortune ever to have followers inspired solely by

friendship or goodwill, yet those who found themselves under him,

either by State appointment or through want, or other arch necessity,

yielded him implicit obedience. From the moment that he led them to

victory, the elements which went to make his soldiers efficient were

numerous enough. There was the feeling of confidence in facing the

foe, which never left them, and there was the dread of punishment at

his hands to keep them orderly. In this way and to this extent he knew

how to rule; but to play a subordinate part himself he had no great

taste; so, at any rate, it was said. At the time of his death he must

have been about fifty years of age.

Proxenus, the Boeotian, was of a different temperament. It had been

the dream of his boyhood to become a man capable of great

achievements. In obedience to this passionate desire it was, that he

paid his fee to Gorgias of Leontini (1). After enojoying that teacher's

society, he flattered himself that he must be at once qualified to

rule; and while he was on friendly terms with the leaders of the age,

he was not to be outdone in reciprocity of service (2). In this mood he 17

threw himself into the projects of Cyrus, and in return expected to

derive from this essay the reward of a great name, large power, and

wide wealth. But for all that he pitched his hopes so high, it was

none the less evident that he would refuse to gain any of the ends he

set before him wrongfully. Righteously and honourably he would obtain

them, if he might, or else forego them. As a commander he had the art

of leading gentlemen, but he failed to inspire adequately either

respect for himself or fear in the soldiers under him. Indeed, he

showed a more delicate regard for his soldiers than his subordinates

for him, and he was indisputably more apprehensive of incurring their

hatred than they were of losing their fidelity. The one thing needful

to real and recognised generalship was, he thought, to praise the

virtuous and to withhold praise from the evildoer. It can be easily

understood, then, that of those who were brought in contact with him,

the good and noble indeed were his well-wishers; but he laid himself

open to the machinations of the base, who looked upon him as a person

to be dealt with as they liked. At the time of his death he was only

thirty years of age.

(1) The famous rhetorician of Leontini, 485-380 B.C. His fee was 100

minae.

(2) Proxenus, like Cyrus, is to some extent a prototype of the Cyrus

of the "Cyropaedia." In other words, the author, in delineating

the portrait of his ideal prince, drew from the recollection of

many princely qualities observed by him in the characters of many

friends. Apart from the intrinsic charm of the story, the

"Anabasis" is interesting as containing the raw material of

experience and reflection which "this young scholar or

philosopher," our friend, the author, will one day turn to

literary account.

As to Menon the Thessalian (3), the mainspring of his action was

obvious; what he sought after insatiably was wealth. Rule he sought

after only as a stepping-stone to larger spoils. Honours and high

estate he craved for simply that he might extend the area of his

gains; and if he studied to be on friendly terms with the powerful, it

was in order that he might commit wrong with impunity. The shortest

road to the achievement of his desires lay, he thought, through false

swearing, lying, and cheating; for in his vocabulary simplicity and

truth were synonyms of folly. Natural affection he clearly entertained

for nobody. If he called a man his friend it might be looked upon as 23

certain that he was bent on ensnaring him. Laughter at an enemy he

considered out of place, but his whole conversation turned upon the

ridicule of his associates. In like manner, the possessions of his

foes were secure from his designs, since it was no easy task, he

thought, to steal from people on their guard; but it was his

particular good fortune to have discovered how easy it is to rob a

friend in the midst of his security. If it were a perjured person or a

wrongdoer, he dreaded him as well armed and intrenched; but the

honourable and the truth-loving he tried to practise on, regarding

them as weaklings devoid of manhood. And as other men pride themselves

on piety and truth and righteousness, so Menon prided himself on a

capacity for fraud, on the fabrication of lies, on the mockery and

scorn of friends. The man who was not a rogue he ever looked upon as

only half educated. Did he aspire to the first place in another man's

friendship, he set about his object by slandering those who stood

nearest to him in affection. He contrived to secure the obedience of

his solders by making himself an accomplice in their misdeeds, and the

fluency with which he vaunted his own capacity and readiness for

enormous guilt was a sufficient title to be honoured and courted by

them. Or if any one stood aloof from him, he set it down as a

meritorious act of kindness on his part that during their intercourse

he had not robbed him of existence.

(3) For a less repulsive conception of Menon's character, however

unhistorical, see Plato's "Meno," and Prof. Jowlett's

Introduction, "Plato," vol. i. p. 265: "He is a Thessalian

Alcibiades, rich and luxurious--a spoilt child of fortune."

As to certain obscure charges brought against his character, these may

certainly be fabrications. I confine myself to the following facts,

which are known to all. He was in the bloom of youth when he procured

from Aristippus the command of his mercenaries; he had not yet lost

that bloom when he became exceedingly intimate with Ariaeus, a

barbarian, whose liking for fair young men was the explanation; and

before he had grown a beard himself, he had contracted a similar

relationship with a bearded favourite named Tharypas. When his

fellow-generals were put to death on the plea that they had marched

with Cyrus against the king, he alone, although he had shared their

conduct, was exempted from their fate. But after their deaths the

vengeance of the king fell upon him, and he was put to death, not like 29

Clearchus and the others by what would appear to be the speediest of

deaths--decapitation--but, as report says, he lived for a year in pain

and disgrace and died the death of a felon.

Agias the Arcadian and Socrates the Achaean were both among the

sufferers who were put to death. To the credit, be it said, of both,

no one ever derided either as cowardly in war: no one ever had a fault

to find with either on the score of friendship. They were both about

thirty-five years of age.

BOOK III

(In the preceding pages of the narrative will be found a full

account, not only of the doings of the Hellenes during the

advance of Cyrus till the date of the battle, but of the

incidents which befell them after Cyrus' death at the

commencement of the retreat, while in company with

Tissaphernes during the truce.)

I

After the generals had been seized, and the captains and soldiers who 1

formed their escort had been killed, the Hellenes lay in deep

perplexity--a prey to painful reflections. Here were they at the

king's gates, and on every side environing them were many hostile

cities and tribes of men. Who was there now to furnish them with a

market? Separated from Hellas by more than a thousand miles, they had

not even a guide to point the way. Impassable rivers lay athwart their

homeward route, and hemmed them in. Betrayed even by the Asiatics, at

whose side they had marched with Cyrus to the attack, they were left

in isolation. Without a single mounted trooper to aid them in pursuit:

was it not perfectly plain that if they won a battle, their enemies

would escape to a man, but if they were beaten themselves, not one

soul of them would survive?

Haunted by such thoughts, and with hearts full of despair, but few of

them tasted food that evening; but few of them kindled even a fire,

and many never came into camp at all that night, but took their rest

where each chanced to be. They could not close their eyes for very

pain and yearning after their fatherlands or their parents, the wife

or child whom they never expected to look upon again. Such was the

plight in which each and all tried to seek repose.

Now there was in that host a certain man, an Athenian (1), Xenophon,

who had accompanied Cyrus, neither as a general, nor as an officer,

nor yet as a private soldier, but simply on the invitation of an old

friend, Proxenus. This old friend had sent to fetch him from home,

promising, if he would come, to introduce him to Cyrus, "whom," said

Proxenus, "I consider to be worth my fatherland and more to me."

(1) The reader should turn to Grote's comments on the first appearance

of Xenophon. He has been mentioned before, of course, more than

once before; but he now steps, as the protagonist, upon the scene,

and as Grote says: "It is in true Homeric vein, and in something

like Homeric language, that Xenophon (to whom we owe the whole

narrative of the expedition) describes his dream, or the

intervention of Oneiros, sent by Zeus, from which this renovating

impulse took its rise."

Xenophon having read the letter, consulted Socrates the Athenian,

whether he should accept or refuse the invitation. Socrates, who had a

suspicion that the State of Athens might in some way look askance at

my friendship with Cyrus, whose zealous co-operation with the

Lacedaemonians against Athens in the war was not forgotten, advised

Xenophon to go to Delphi and there to consult the god as to the

desirability of such a journey. Xenophon went and put the question to

Apollo, to which of the gods he must pray and do sacrifice, so that he

might best accomplish his intended journey and return in safety, with

good fortune. Then Apollo answered him: "To such and such gods must

thou do sacrifice," and when he had returned home he reported to

Socrates the oracle. But he, when he heard, blamed Xenophon that he

had not, in the first instance, inquired of the god, whether it were

better for him to go or to stay, but had taken on himself to settle

that point affirmatively, by inquiring straightway, how he might best 7

perform the journey. "Since, however," continued Socrates, "you did so

put the question, you should do what the god enjoined." Thus, and

without further ado, Xenophon offered sacrifice to those whom the god

had named, and set sail on his voyage. He overtook Proxenus and Cyrus

at Sardis, when they were just ready to start on the march up country,

and was at once introduced to Cyrus. Proxenus eagerly pressed him to

stop--a request which Cyrus with like ardour supported, adding that as

soon as the campaign was over he would send him home. The campaign

referred to was understood to be against the Pisidians. That is how

Xenophon came to join the expedition, deceived indeed, though not by

Proxenus, who was equally in the dark with the rest of the Hellenes,

not counting Clearchus, as to the intended attack upon the king. Then,

though the majority were in apprehension of the journey, which was not

at all to their minds, yet, for very shame of one another and Cyrus,

they continued to follow him, and with the rest went Xenophon.

And now in this season of perplexity, he too, with the rest, was in

sore distress, and could not sleep; but anon, getting a snatch of

sleep, he had a dream. It seemed to him in a vision that there was a

storm of thunder and lightning, and a bolt fell on his father's house,

and thereupon the house was all in a blaze. He sprung up in terror,

and pondering the matter, decided that in part the dream was good: in

that he had seen a great light from Zeus, whilst in the midst of toil

and danger. But partly too he feared it, for evidently it had come

from Zeus the king. And the fire kindled all around--what could that

mean but that he was hemmed in by various perplexities, and so could

not escape from the country of the king? The full meaning, however, is

to be discovered from what happened after the dream.

This is what took place. As soon as he was fully awake, the first

clear thought which came into his head was, Why am I lying here? The

night advances; with the day, it is like enough, the enemy will be

upon us. If we are to fall into the hands of the king, what is left us

but to face the most horrible of sights, and to suffer the most 13

fearful pains, and then to die, insulted, an ignominious death? To

defend ourselves--to ward off that fate--not a hand stirs: no one is

preparing, none cares; but here we lie, as though it were time to rest

and take our ease. I too! what am I waiting for? a general to

undertake the work? and from what city? am I waiting till I am older

mysef and of riper age? older I shall never be, if to-day I betray

myself to my enemies.

Thereupon he got up, and called together first Proxenus's officers;

and when they were met, he said: "Sleep, sirs, I cannot, nor can you,

I fancy, nor lie here longer, when I see in what straits we are. Our

enemy, we may be sure, did not open war upon us till he felt he had

everything amply ready; yet none of us shows a corresponding anxiety

to enter the lists of battle in the bravest style.

"And yet, if we yield ourselves and fall into the king's power, need

we ask what our fate will be? This man, who, when his own brother, the

son of the same parents, was dead, was not content with that, but

severed head and hand from the body, and nailed them to a cross. We,

then, who have not even the tie of blood in our favour, but who

marched against him, meaning to make a slave of him instead of a

king--and to slay him if we could: what is likely to be our fate at

his hands? Will he not go all lengths so that, by inflicting on us the

extreme of ignominy and torture, he may rouse in the rest of mankind a

terror of ever marching against him any more? There is no question but

that our business is to avoid by all means getting into his clutches.

"For my part, all the while the truce lasted, I never ceased pitying

ourselves and congratulating the king and those with him, as, like a

helpless spectator, I surveyed the extent and quality of their

territory, the plenteousness of their provisions, the multitude of

their dependants, their cattle, their gold, and their apparel. And

then to turn and ponder the condition of our soldiers, without part or

lot in these good things, except we bought it; few, I knew, had any

longer the wherewithal to buy, and yet our oath held us down, so that

we could not provide ourselves otherwise than by purchase. I say, as I 21

reasoned thus, there were times when I dreaded the truce more than I

now dread war.

"Now, however, that they have abruptly ended the truce, there is an

end also to their own insolence and to our suspicion. All these good

things of theirs are now set as prizes for the combatants. To

whichsoever of us shall prove the better men, will they fall as

guerdons; and the gods themselves are the judges of the strife. The

gods, who full surely will be on our side, seeing it is our enemies

who have taken their names falsely; whilst we, with much to lure us,

yet for our oath's sake, and the gods who were our witnesses, sternly

held aloof. So that, it seems to me, we have a right to enter upon

this contest with much more heart than our foes; and further, we are

possessed of bodies more capable than theirs of bearing cold and heat

and labour; souls too we have, by the help of heaven, better and

braver; nay, the men themselves are more vulnerable, more mortal, than

ourselves, if so be the gods vouchsafe to give us victory once again.

"Howbeit, for I doubt not elsewhere similar reflections are being

made, whatsoever betide, let us not, in heaven's name, wait for others

to come and challenge us to noble deeds; let us rather take the lead

in stimulating the rest to valour. Show yourselves to be the bravest

of officers, and among generals, the worthiest to command. For myself,

if you choose to start forwards on this quest, I will follow; or, if

you bid me lead you, my age shall be no excuse to stand between me and

your orders. At least I am of full age, I take it, to avert misfortune

from my own head."

Such were the speaker's words; and the officers, when they heard, all,

with one exception, called upon him to put himself at their head. This

was a certain Apollonides there present, who spoke in the Boeotian

dialect. This man's opinion was that it was mere nonsense for any one

to pretend they could obtain safety otherwise than by an appeal to the

king, if he had skill to enforce it; and at the same time he began to

dilate on the difficulties. But Xenophon cut him short. "O most

marvellous of men! though you have eyes to see, you do not perceive;

though you have ears to hear, you do not recollect. You were present 27

with the rest of us now here when, after the death of Cyrus, the king,

vaunting himself on that occurrence, sent dictatorially to bid us lay

down our arms. But when we, instead of giving up our arms, put them on

and went and pitched our camp near him, his manner changed. It is hard

to say what he did not do, he was so at his wit's end, sending us

embassies and begging for a truce, and furnishing provisions the

while, until he had got it. Or to take the contrary instance, when

just now, acting precisely on your principles, our generals and

captains went, trusting to the truce, unarmed to a conference with

them, what came of it? what is happening at this instant? Beaten,

goaded with pricks, insulted, poor souls, they cannot even die: though

death, I ween, would be very sweet. And you, who know all this, how

can you say that it is mere nonsense to talk of self-defence? how can

you bid us go again and try the arts of persuasion? In my opinion,

sirs, we ought not to admit this fellow to the same rank with

ourselves; rather ought we to deprive him of his captaincy, and load

him with packs and treat him as such. The man is a disgrace to his own

fatherland and the whole of Hellas, that, being a Hellene, he is what

he is."

Here Agasias the Stymphalian broke in, exclaiming: "Nay, this fellow

has no connection either with Boeotia or with Hellas, none whatever. I

have noted both his ears bored like a Lydian's." And so it was. Him

then they banished. But the rest visited the ranks, and wherever a

general was left, they summoned the general; where he was gone, the

lieutenant-general; and where again the captain alone was left, the

captain. As soon as they were all met, they seated themselves in front

of the place d'armes: the assembled generals and officers, numbering

about a hundred. It was nearly midnight when this took place.

Thereupon Hieronymous the Eleian, the eldest of Proxenus's captains,

commenced speaking as follows: "Generals and captains, it seemed right

to us, in view of the present crisis, ourselves to assemble and to

summon you, that we might advise upon some practicable course. Would

you, Xenophon, repeat what you said to us?"

Thereupon Xenophon spoke as follows: "We all know only too well, that 34

the king and Tissaphernes have seized as many of us as they could, and

it is clear they are plotting to destroy the rest of us if they can.

Our business is plain: it is to do all we can to avoid getting into

the power of the barbarians; rather, if we can, we will get them into

our power. Rely upon this then, all you who are here assembled, now is

your great opportunity. The soldiers outside have their eyes fixed

upon you; if they think that you are faint-hearted, they will turn

cowards; but if you show them that you are making your own

preparations to attack the enemy, and setting an example to the

rest--follow you, be assured, they will: imitate you they will. May

be, it is but right and fair that you should somewhat excel them, for

you are generals, you are commanders of brigades or regiments; and if,

while it was peace, you had the advantage in wealth and position, so

now, when it is war, you are expected to rise superior to the common

herd--to think for them, to toil for them, whenever there be need.

"At this very moment you would confer a great boon on the army, if you

made it your business to appoint generals and officers to fill the

places of those that are lost. For without leaders nothing good or

noble, to put it concisely, was ever wrought anywhere; and in military

matters this is absolutely true; for if discipline is held to be of

saving virtue, the want of it has been the ruin of many ere now. Well,

then! when you have appointed all the commanders necessary, it would

only be opportune, I take it, if you were to summon the rest of the

soldiers and speak some words of encouragement. Even now, I daresay

you noticed yourselves the crestfallen air with which they came into

camp, the despondency with which they fell to picket duty, so that,

unless there is a change for the better, I do not know for what

service they will be fit; whether by night, if need were, or even by

day. The thing is to get them to turn their thoughts to what they mean

to do, instead of to what they are likely to suffer. Do that, and

their spirits will soon revive wonderfully. You know, I need hardly

remind you, it is not numbers or strength that gives victory in war;

but, heaven helping them, to one or other of two combatants it is 42

given to dash with stouter hearts to meet the foe, and such onset, in

nine cases out of ten, those others refuse to meet. This observation,

also, I have laid to heart, that they, who in matters of war seek in

all ways to save their lives, are just they who, as a rule, die

dishonourably; whereas they who, recognising that death is the common

lot and destiny of all men, strive hard to die nobly: these more

frequently, as I observe, do after all attain to old age, or, at any

rate, while life lasts, they spend their days more happily. This

lesson let all lay to heart this day, for we are just at such a crisis

of our fate. Now is the season to be brave ourselves, and to stimulate

the rest by our example."

With these words he ceased; and after him, Cheirisophus said:

"Xenophon, hitherto I knew only so much of you as that you were, I

heard, an Athenian, but now I must commend you for your words and for

your conduct. I hope that there may be many more like you, for it

would prove a public blessing." Then turning to the officers: "And

now," said he, "let us waste no time; retire at once, I beg you, and

choose leaders where you need them. After you have made your

elections, come back to the middle of the camp, and bring the newly

appointed officers. After that, we will there summon a general meeting

of the soldiers. Let Tolmides, the herald," he added, "be in

attendance." With these words on his lips he got up, in order that

what was needful might be done at once without delay. After this the

generals were chosen. These were Timasion the Dardanian, in place of

Clearchus; Xanthicles, an Achaean, in place of Socrates; Cleanor, an

Arcadian, in place of Agias; Philesius, an Achaean, in place of Menon;

and in place of Proxenus, Xenophon the Athenian.

II

By the time the new generals had been chosen, the first faint glimmer 1

of dawn had hardly commenced, as they met in the centre of the camp,

and resolved to post an advance guard and to call a general meeting of

the soldiers. Now, when these had come together, Cheirisophus the

Lacedaemonian first rose and spoke as follows: "Fellow-soldiers, the

present posture of affairs is not pleasant, seeing that we are robbed

of so many generals and captains and soldiers; and more than that, our 2

former allies, Ariaeus and his men, have betrayed us; still, we must

rise above our circumstances to prove ourselves brave men, and not

give in, but try to save ourselves by glorious victory if we can; or,

if not, at least to die gloriously, and never, while we have breath in

our bodies, fall into the hands of our enemies. In which latter case,

I fear, we shall suffer things, which I pray the gods may visit rather

upon those we hate."

At this point Cleanor the Ochomenian stood up and spoke as follows:

"You see, men, the perjury and the impiety of the king. You see the

faithlessness of Tissaphernes, professing that he was next-door

neighbour to Hellas, and would give a good deal to save us, in

confirmation of which he took an oath to us himself, he gave us the

pledge of his right hand, and then, with a lie upon his lips, this

same man turned round and arrested our generals. He had no reverence

even for Zeus, the god of strangers; but, after entertaining Clearchus

at his own board as a friend, he used his hospitality to delude and

decoy his victims. And Ariaeus, whom we offered to make king, with

whom we exchanged pledges not to betray each other, even this man,

without a particle of fear of the gods, or respect for Cyrus in his

grave, though he was most honoured by Cyrus in lifetime, even he has

turned aside to the worst foes of Cyrus, and is doing his best to

injure the dead man's friends. Them may the gods requite as they

deserve! But we, with these things before our eyes, will not any more

be cheated and cajoled by them; we will make the best fight we can,

and having made it, whatever the gods think fit to send, we will

accept."

After him Xenophon arose; he was arrayed for war in his bravest

apparel (1): "For," said he to himself, "if the gods grant victory, the

finest attire will match with victory best; or if I must needs die,

then for one who has aspired to the noblest, it is well there should

be some outward correspondence between his expectation and his end."

He began his speech as follows: "Cleanor has spoken of the perjury and 8

faithlessness of the barbarians, and you yourselves know them only too

well, I fancy. If then we are minded to enter a second time into terms

of friendship with them, with the experience of what our generals, who

in all confidence entrusted themselves to their power, have suffered,

reason would we should feel deep despondency. If, on the other hand,

we purpose to take our good swords in our hands and to inflict

punishment on them for what they have done, and from this time forward

will be on terms of downright war with them, then, God helping, we

have many a bright hope of safety." The words were scarcely spoken

when someone sneezed (2), and with one impulse the soldiers bowed in

worship; and Xenophon proceeded: "I propose, sirs, since, even as we

spoke of safety, an omen from Zeus the Saviour has appeared, we vow a

vow to sacrifice to the Saviour thank-offerings for safe deliverance,

wheresoever first we reach a friendly country; and let us couple with

that vow another of individual assent, that we will offer to the rest

of the gods 'according to our ability.' Let all those who are in

favour of this proposal hold up their hands." They all held up their

hands, and there and then they vowed a vow and chanted the battle

hymn. But as soon as these sacred matters were duly ended, he began

once more thus: "I was saying that many and bright are the hopes we

have of safety. First of all, we it is who confirm and ratify the

oaths we take by heaven, but our enemies have taken false oaths and

broken the truce, contrary to their solemn word. This being so, it is

but natural that the gods should be opposed to our enemies, but with

ourselves allied; the gods, who are able to make the great ones

quickly small, and out of sore perplexity can save the little ones

with ease, what time it pleases them. In the next place, let me recall

to your minds the dangers of our own forefathers, that you may see and 11

know that bravery is your heirloom, and that by the aid of the gods

brave men are rescued even out of the midst of sorest straits." So was

it when the Persians came, and their attendant hosts (3), with a very

great armament, to wipe out Athens from the face of the earth--the men

of Athens had the heart to withstand them and conquered them. Then

they vowed to Artemis that for every man they slew of the enemy, they

would sacrifice to the goddess goats so many; and when they could not

find sufficient for the slain, they resolved to offer yearly five

hundred; and to this day they perform that sacrifice. And at a

somewhat later date, when Xerxes assembled his countless hosts and

marched upon Hellas, then (4) too our fathers conquered the forefathers

of our foes by land and by sea.

(1) So it is said of the Russian General Skobelef, that he had a

strange custom of going into battle in his cleanest uniform,

perfumed, and wearing a diamond-hilted sword, "in order that," as

he said, "he might die in his best attire."

(2) For this ancient omen see "Odyssey," xvii. 541: "Even as she

spake, and Telemachus sneezed loudly, and around the roof rung

wondrously. And Penelope laughed."... "Dost thou not mark how

my son has sneezed a blessing on all my words?"

(3) See Herod. vi. 114; the allusion is to the invasion of Greeze by

Datis and Artaphernes, and to their defeat at Marathon, B.C. 490.

"Heredotus estimates the number of those who fell on the Persian

side at 6400 men: the number of Athenian dead is accurately known,

since all were collected for the last solemn obsequies--they were

192."--Grote, "Hist. of Greece," vol. v. p. 475.

(4) Then = at Salamis, B.C. 480, and at Plataea and Mycale, B.C. 479,

on the same day.

"And proofs of these things are yet to be seen in trophies; but the

greatest witness of all is the freedom of our cities--the liberty of

that land in which you were born and bred. For you call no man master

or lord; you bow your heads to none save to the gods alone. Such were

your forefathers, and their sons are ye. Think not I am going to say

that you put to shame in any way your ancestry--far from it. Not many

days since, you too were drawn up in battle face to face with these

true descendants of their ancestors, and by the help of heaven you

conquered them, though they many times outnumbered you. At that time,

it was to win a throne for Cyrus that you showed your bravery; to-day,

when the struggle is for your own salvation, what is more natural than

that you should show yourselves braver and more zealous still. Nay, it

is very meet and right that you should be more undaunted still to-day

to face the foe. The other day, though you had not tested them, and

before your eyes lay their immeasurable host, you had the heart to go

against them with the spirit of your fathers. To-day you have made 16

trial of them, and knowing that, however many times your number, they

do not care to await your onset, what concern have you now to be

afraid of them?

"Nor let any one suppose that herein is a point of weakness, in that

Cyrus's troops, who before were drawn up by your side, have now

deserted us, for they are even worse cowards still than those we

worsted. At any rate they have deserted us, and sought refuge with

them. Leaders of the forlorn hope of flight--far better is it to have

them brigaded with the enemy than shoulder to shoulder in our ranks.

But if any of you is out of heart to think that we have no cavalry,

while the enemy have many squadrons to command, lay to heart this

doctrine, that ten thousand horse only equal ten thousand men upon

their backs, neither less nor more. Did any one ever die in battle

from the bite or kick of a horse? It is the men, the real swordsmen,

who do whatever is done in battles. In fact we, on our stout shanks,

are better mounted than those cavalry fellows; there they hang on to

their horses' necks in mortal dread, not only of us, but of falling

off; while we, well planted upon earth, can deal far heavier blows to

our assailants, and aim more steadily at who we will. There is one

point, I admit, in which their cavalry have the whip-hand of us; it is

safer for them than it is for us to run away.

"May be, however, you are in good heart about the fighting, but

annoyed to think that Tissaphernes will not guide us any more, and

that the king will not furnish us with a market any longer. Now,

consider, is it better for us to have a guide like Tissaphernes, whom

we know to be plotting against us, or to take our chance of the stray

people whom we catch and compel to guide us, who will know that any

mistake made in leading us will be a sad mistake for their own lives?

Again, is it better to be buying provisions in a market of their

providing, in scant measure and at high prices, without even the money

to pay for them any longer; or, by right of conquest, to help

ourselves, applying such measure as suits our fancy best?

"Or again, perhaps you admit that our present position is not without

its advantages, but you feel sure that the rivers are a difficulty,

and think that you were never more taken in than when you crossed 22

them; if so, consider whether, after all, this is not perhaps the most

foolish thing which the barbarians have done. No river is impassable

throughout; whatever difficulties it may present at some distance from

its source, you need only make your way up to the springhead, and

there you may cross it without wetting more than your ankles. But,

granted that the rivers do bar our passage, and that guides are not

forthcoming, what care we? We need feel no alarm for all that. We have

heard of the Mysians, a people whom we certainly cannot admit to be

better than ourselves; and yet they inhabit numbers of large and

prosperous cities in the king's own country without asking leave. The

Pisidians are an equally good instance, or the Lycaonians. We have

seen with our own eyes how they fare: seizing fortresses down in the

plains, and reaping the fruits of these men's territory. As to us, I

go so far as to assert, we ought never to have let it be seen that we

were bent on getting home: at any rate, not so soon; we should have

begun stocking and furnishing ourselves, as if we fully meant to

settle down for life somewhere or other hereabouts. I am sure that the

king would be thrice glad to give the Mysians as many guides as they

like, or as many hostages as they care to demand, in return for a safe

conduct out of his country; he would make carriage roads for them, and

if they preferred to take their departure in coaches and four, he

would not say them nay. So too, I am sure, he would be only too glad

to accommodate us in the same way, if he saw us preparing to settle

down here. But, perhaps, it is just as well that we did not stop; for

I fear, if once we learn to live in idleness and to batten in luxury

and dalliance with these tall and handsome Median and Persian women

and maidens, we shall be like the Lotus-eaters (5), and forget the road

home altogether.

(5) See "Odyssey," ix. 94, "ever feeding on the Lotus and forgetful of

returning."

"It seems to me that it is only right, in the first instance, to make

an effort to return to Hellas and to revisit our hearths and homes, if

only to prove to other Hellenes that it is their own faults if they

are poor and needy (6), seeing it is in their power to give to those 26

now living a pauper life at home a free passage hither, and convert

them into well-to-do burghers at once. Now, sirs, is it not clear that

all these good things belong to whoever has strength to hold them?

(6) Here seems to be the germ--unless, indeed, the thought had been

conceived above--here at any rate the first conscious expression

of the colonisation scheme, of which we shall hear more below, in

reference to Cotyora; the Phasis; Calpe. It appears again fifty

years later in the author's pamphlet "On Revenues," chapters i.

and vi. For the special evils of the fourth century B.C., and the

growth of pauperism between B.C. 401 and 338, see Jebb, "Attic

Orators," vol i. p. 17.

"Let us look another matter in the face. How are we to march most

safely? or where blows are needed, how are we to fight to the best

advantage? That is the question.

"The first thing which I recommend is to burn the wagons we have got,

so that we may be free to march wherever the army needs, and not,

practically, make our baggage train our general. And, next, we should

throw our tents into the bonfire also: for these again are only a

trouble to carry, and do not contribute one grain of good either for

fighting or getting provisions. Further, let us get rid of all

superfluous baggage, save only what we require for the sake of war, or

meat and drink, so that as many of us as possible may be under arms,

and as few as possible doing porterage. I need not remind you that, in

case of defeat, the owners' goods are not their own; but if we master

our foes, we will make them our baggage bearers.

"It only rests for me to name the one thing which I look upon as the

greatest of all. You see, the enemy did not dare to bring war to bear

upon us until they had first seized our generals; they felt that

whilst our rulers were there, and we obeyed them, they were no match

for us in war; but having got hold of them, they fully expected that

the consequent confusion and anarchy would prove fatal to us. What

follows? This: Officers and leaders ought to be more vigilant ever

than their predecessors; subordinates still more orderly and obedient

to those in command now than even they were to those who are gone. And

you should pass a resolution that, in case of insubordination, any one 31

who stands by is to aid the officer in chastising the offender. So the

enemy will be mightily deceived; for on this day they will behold ten

thousand Clearchuses instead of one, who will not suffer one man to

play the coward. And now it is high time I brought my remarks to an

end, for may be the enemy will be here anon. Let those who are in

favour of these proposals confirm them with all speed, that they may

be realised in fact; or if any other course seem better, let not any

one, even though he be a private soldier, shrink from proposing it.

Our common safety is our common need."

After this Cheirisophus spoke. He said: "If there is anything else to

be done, beyond what Xenophon has mentioned, we shall be able to carry

it out presently; but with regard to what he has already proposed, it

seems to me the best course to vote upon the matters at once. Those

who are in favour of Xenophon's proposals, hold up their hands." They

all held them up. Xenophon rose again and said: "Listen, sirs, while I

tell you what I think we have need of besides. It is clear that we

must march where we can get provisions. Now, I am told there are some

splendid villages not more than two miles and a half distant. I should

not be surprised, then, if the enemy were to hang on our heels and dog

us as we retire, like cowardly curs which rush out at the passer-by

and bite him if they can, but when you turn upon them they run away.

Such will be their tactics, I take it. It may be safer, then, to march

in a hollow square, so as to place the baggage animals and our mob of

sutlers in greater security. It will save time to make the

appointments at once, and to settle who leads the square and directs

the vanguard; who will take command of the two flanks, and who of the

rearguard; so that, when the enemy appears, we shall not need to

deliberate, but can at once set in motion the machinery in existence.

"If any one has any better plan, we need not adopt mine; but if not,

suppose Cheirisophus takes the lead, as he is a Lacedaemonian, and the

two eldest generals take in charge the two wings respectively, whilst

Timasion and I, the two youngest, will for the present guard the rear. 37

For the rest, we can but make experiment of this arrangement, and

alter it with deliberation, as from time to time any improvement

suggests itself. If any one has a better plan to propose, let him do

so."... No dissentient voice was heard. Accordingly he said: "Those

in favour of this resolution, hold up their hands." The resolution was

carried. "And now," said he, "it would be well to separate and carry

out what we have decreed. If any of you has set his heart on seeing

his friends again, let him remember to prove himself a man; there is

no other way to achieve his heart's wish. Or is mere living an object

with any of you, strive to conquer; if to slay is the privilege of

victory, to die is the doom of the defeated. Or perhaps to gain money

and wealth is your ambition, strive again for mastery; have not

conquerors the double gain of keeping what is their own, whilst they

seize the possessions of the vanquished?"

III

The speaking was ended; they got up and retired; then they burnt the 1

wagons and the tents, and after sharing with one another what each

needed out of their various superfluities, they threw the remnant into

the fire. Having done that, they proceeded to make their breakfasts.

While they were breakfasting, Mithridates came with about thirty

horsemen, and summoning the generals within earshot, he thus addressed

them: "Men of Hellas, I have been faithful to Cyrus, as you know well,

and to-day I am your well-wisher; indeed, I am here spending my days

in great fear: if then I could see any salutory course in prospect, I

should be disposed to join you with all my retainers. Please inform

me, then, as to what you propose, regarding me as your friend and

well-wisher, anxious only to pursue his march in your company." The

generals held council, and resolved to give the following answer,

Cheirisophus acting as spokesman: "We have resolved to make our way

through the country, inflicting the least possible damage, provided we

are allowed a free passage homewards; but if any one tries to hinder 3

us, he will have to fight it out with us, and we shall bring all the

force in our power to bear." Thereat Mithridates set himself to prove

to them that their deliverance, except with the king's good pleasure,

was hopeless. Then the meaning of his mission was plain. He was an

agent in disguise; in fact, a relation of Tissaphernes was in

attendance to keep a check on his loyalty. After that, the generals

resolved that it would be better to proclaim open war, without truce

or herald, as long as they were in the enemy's country; for they used

to come and corrupt the soldiers, and they were even successful with

one officer--Nicarchus (1), an Arcadian, who went off in the night with

about twenty men.

(1) Can this be the same man whose escape is so graphically described

above?

After this, they breakfasted and crossed the river Zapatas, marching

in regular order, with the beasts and mob of the army in the middle.

They had not advanced far on their route when Mithridates made his

appearance again, with about a couple of hundred horsemen at his back,

and bowmen and slingers twice as many, as nimble fellows as a man

might hope to see. He approached the Hellenes as if he were friendly;

but when they had got fairly to close quarters, all of a sudden some

of them, whether mounted or on foot, began shooting with their bows

and arrows, and another set with slings, wounding the men. The

rearguard of the Hellenes suffered for a while severely without being

able to retaliate, for the Cretans had a shorter range than the

Persians, and at the same time, being light-armed troops, they lay

cooped up within the ranks of the heavy infantry, while the javelin

men again did not shoot far enough to reach the enemy's slingers. This

being so, Xenophon thought there was nothing for it but to charge, and

charge they did; some of the heavy and light infantry, who were

guarding the rear, with him; but for all their charging they did not

catch a single man.

The dearth of cavalry told against the Hellenes; nor were their

infantry able to overhaul the enemy's infantry, with the long start

they had, and considering the shortness of the race, for it was out of

the question to pursue them far from the main body of the army. On the 10

other hand, the Asiatic cavalry, even while fleeing, poured volleys of

arrows behind their backs, and wounded the pursuers; while the

Hellenes must fall back fighting every step of the way they had

measured in the pursuit; so that by the end of that day they had not

gone much more than three miles; but in the late afternoon they

reached the villages.

Here there was a return of the old despondency. Cheirisophus and the

eldest of the generals blamed Xenophon for leaving the main body to

give chase and endangering himself thereby, while he could not damage

the enemy one whit the more. Xenophon admitted that they were right in

blaming him: no better proof of that was wanted than the result. "The

fact is," he added, "I was driven to pursue; it was too trying to look

on and see our men suffer so badly, and be unable to retaliate.

However, when we did charge, there is no denying the truth of what you

say; we were not a whit more able to injure the enemy, while we had

considerable difficulty in beating a retreat ourselves. Thank heaven

they did not come upon us in any great force, but were only a handful

of men; so that the injury they did us was not large, as it might have

been; and at least it has served to show us what we need. At present

the enemy shoot and sling beyond our range, so that our Cretan archers

are no match for them; our hand-throwers cannot reach as far; and when

we pursue, it is not possible to push the pursuit to any great

distance from the main body, and within the short distance no

foot-soldier, however fleet of foot, could overtake another

foot-soldier who has a bow-shot the start of him. If, then, we are to

exclude them from all possibility of injuring us as we march, we must

get slingers as soon as possible and cavalry. I am told there are in

the army some Rhodians, most of whom, they say, know how to sling, and

their missile will reach even twice as far as the Persian slings

(which, on account of their being loaded with stones as big as one's

fist, have a comparatively short range; but the Rhodians are skilled

in the use of leaden bullets (2)). Suppose, then, we investigate and 18

find out first of all who among them possess slings, and for these

slings offer the owner the money value; and to another, who will plait

some more, hand over the money price; and for a third, who will

volunteer to be enrolled as a slinger, invent some other sort of

privilege, I think we shall soon find people to come forward capable

of helping us. There are horses in the army I know; some few with

myself, others belonging to Clearchus's stud, and a good many others

captured from the enemy, used for carrying baggage. Let us take the

pick of these, supplying their places by ordinary baggage animals, and

equipping the horses for cavalry. I should not wonder if our troopers

gave some annoyance to these fugitives."

(2) These words sound to me like an author's note, parenthetically,

and perhaps inadvertently, inserted into the text. It is an

"aside" to the reader, which in a modern book would appear as a

footnote.

These proposals were carried, and that night two hundred slingers were

enrolled, and next day as many as fifty horse and horsemen passed

muster as duly qualified; buff jackets and cuirasses were provided for

them, and a commandant of cavalry appointed to command--Lycius, the

son of Polystratus, by name, an Athenian.

IV

That day they remained inactive, but the next they rose earlier than 1

usual, and set out betimes, for they had a ravine to cross, where they

feared the enemy might attack them in the act of crossing. When they

were across, Mithridates appeared again with one thousand horse, and

archers and slingers to the number of four thousand. This whole body

he had got by request from Tissaphernes, and in return he undertook to

deliver up the Hellenes to Tissaphernes. He had grown contemptuous

since his late attack, when, with so small a detachment, he had done,

as he thought, a good deal of mischief, without the slightest loss to

himself.

When the Hellenes were not only right across, but had got about a mile

from the ravine, Mithridates also crossed with his forces. An order

had been passed down the lines, what light infantry and what heavy

infantry were to take part in the pursuit; and the cavalry were

instructed to follow up the pursuit with confidence, as a considerable 3

support was in their rear. So, when Mithridates had come up with them,

and they were well within arrow and sling shot, the bugle sounded the

signal to the Hellenes; and immediately the detachment under orders

rushed to close quarters, and the cavalry charged. There the enemy

preferred not to wait, but fled towards the ravine. In this pursuit

the Asiatics lost several of their infantry killed, and of their

cavalry as many as eighteen were taken prisoners in the ravine. As to

those who were slain the Hellenes, acting upon impulse, mutilated

their bodies, by way of impressing their enemy with as frightful an

image as possible.

So fared the foe and so fell back; but the Hellenes, continuing their

march in safety for the rest of that day, reached the river Tigris.

Here they came upon a large deserted city, the name of which was

Larissa (1): a place inhabited by the Medes in days of old; the breadth

of its walls was twenty-five feet, and the height of them a hundred,

and the circuit of the whole two parasangs. It was built of

clay-bricks, supported on a stone basis twenty feet high. This city

the king of the Persians (2) besieged, what time the Persians strove to

snatch their empire from the Medes, but he could in no wise take it;

then a cloud hid the face of the sun and blotted out the light

thereof, until the inhabitants were gone out of the city, and so it

was taken. By the side of this city there was a stone pyramid in

breadth a hundred feet, and in height two hundred feet; in it were

many of the barbarians who had fled for refuge from the neighbouring

villages.

(1) Larissa, on the side of the modern Nimrud (the south-west corner,

as is commonly supposed, of Nineveh). The name is said to mean

"citadel," and is given to various Greek cities (of which several

occur in Xenophon).

(2) I.e. Cyrus the Great.

From this place they marched one stage of six parasangs to a great

deserted fortress (which lay over against the city), and the name of

that city was Mespila (3). The Medes once dwelt in it. The basement was 10

made of polished stone full of shells; fifty feet was the breadth of

it, and fifty feet the height; and on this basement was reared a wall

of brick, the breadth whereof was fifty feet and the height thereof

four hundred; and the circuit of the wall was six parasangs. Hither,

as the story goes, Medea (4), the king's wife, betook herself in flight

what time the Medes lost their empire at the hands of the Persians. To

this city also the king of the Pesians laid siege, but could not take

it either by length of days or strength of hand. But Zeus sent

amazement on the inhabitants thereof, and so it was taken.

(3) Opposite Mosul, the north-west portion of the ancient Nineveh,

about eighteen miles above Larissa. The circuit of Nineveh is said

to have been about fifty-six miles. It was overthrown by Cyrus in

B.C. 558.

(4) The wife of Astyages, the last king of Media. Some think "the wall

of Media" should be "Medea's wall," constructed in the period of

Queen Nitocris, B.C. 560.

From this place they marched one stage--four parasangs. But, while

still on this stage, Tissaphernes made his appearance. He had with him

his own cavalry and a force belonging to Orontas, who had the king's

daughter to wife; and there were, moreover, with them the Asiatics

whom Cyrus had taken with him on his march up; together with those

whom the king's brother had brought as a reinforcement to the king;

besides those whom Tissaphernes himself had received as a gift from

the king, so that the armament appeared to be very great. When they

were close, he halted some of his regiments at the rear and wheeled

others into position on either flank, but hesitated to attack, having

no mind apparently to run any risks, and contenting himself with an

order to his slingers to sling and his archers to shoot. But when the

Rhodian slingers and the bowmen (5), posted at intervals, retaliated,

and every shot told (for with the utmost pains to miss it would have

been hard to do so under the circumstanecs), then Tissaphernes with

all speed retired out of range, the other regiments following suit;

and for the rest of the day the one party advanced and the other

followed. But now the Asiatics had ceased to be dangerous with their

sharpshooting. For the Rhodians could reach further than the Persian 16

slingers, or, indeed, than most of the bowmen. The Persian bows are of

great size, so that the Cretans found the arrows which were picked up

serviceable, and persevered in using their enemies' arrows, and

practised shooting with them, letting them fly upwards to a great

height (6). There were also plenty of bowstrings found in the

villages--and lead, which they turned to account for their slings. As

a result of this day, then, the Hellenes chancing upon some villages

had no sooner encamped than the barbarians fell back, having had

distinctly the worst of it in the skirmishing.

(5) The best MSS read {Skuthai}, Scythians; if this is correct, it is

only the technical name for "archers." Cf. Arrian, "Tact." ii. 13.

The police at Athens were technically so called, as being composed

of Scythian slaves. Cf. Aristoph. "Thesm." 1017.

(6) I.e., in practising, in order to get the maximum range they let

fly the arrows, not horizontally, but up into the air. Sir W.

Raleigh (Hist. of the World, III. x. 8) says that Xenophon

"trained his archers to short compass, who had been accustomed to

the point blank," but this is surely not Xenophon's meaning.

The next day was a day of inaction: they halted and took in supplies,

as there was much corn in the villages; but on the day following, the

march was continued through the plain (of the Tigris), and

Tissaphernes still hung on their skirts with his skirmishers. And now

it was that the Hellenes discovered the defect of marching in a square

with an enemy following. As a matter of necessity, whenever the wings

of an army so disposed draw together, either where a road narrows, or

hills close in, or a bridge has to be crossed, the heavy infantry

cannot help being squeezed out of their ranks, and march with

difficulty, partly from actual pressure, and partly from the general

confusion that ensues. Or, supposing the wings are again extended, the

troops have hardly recovered from their former distress before they

are pulled asunder, and there is a wide space between the wings, and

the men concerned lose confidence in themselves, especially with an

enemy close behind. What happened, when a bridge had to be crossed or

other passage effected, was, that each unit of the force pressed on in

anxiety to get over first, and at these moments it was easy for the

enemy to make an attack. The generals accordingly, having recognised

the defect, set about curing it. To do so, they made six lochi, or

divisions of a hundred men apiece, each of which had its own set of

captains and under-officers in command of half and quarter companies. 21

It was the duty of these new companies, during a march, whenever the

flanks needed to close in, to fall back to the rear, so as to

disencumber the wings. This they did by wheeling clear of them. When

the sides of the oblong again extended, they filled up the

interstices, if the gap were narrow, by columns of companies, if

broader, by columns of half-companies, or, if broader still, by

columns of quarter-companies, so that the space between was always

filled up. If again it were necessary to effect a passage by bridge or

otherwise, there was no confusion, the several companies crossing in

turns; or, if the occasion arose to form in line of battle, these

companies came up to the front and fell in (7).

(7) In the passage above I have translated {lokhoi} companies, and, as

usual, {lokhagoi} captains. The half company is technically called

a pentecostys, and a quarter company an enomoty, and the officers

in charge of them respectively penteconter and enomotarch. These

would be equivalent nearly to our subalterns and sergeants, and in

the evolutions described would act as guides and markers in charge

of their sections. Grote thinks there were six companies formed on

each flank--twelve in all. See "Hist. of Greece," vol. ix. p. 123,

note (1st ed.)

In this way they advanced four stages, but ere the fifth was

completed, they came in sight of a palace of some sort, with villages

clustered round it; they could further see that the road leading to

this place pursued its course over high undulating hillocks, the spur

of the mountain range, under which lay the village. These knolls were

a welcome sight to the Hellenes, naturally enough, as the enemy were

cavalry. However, when they had issued from the plain and ascended the

first crest, and were in the act of descending it so as to mount the

next, at this juncture the barbarians came upon them. From the high

ground down the sheer steep they poured a volley of darts,

slingstones, and arrows, which they discharged "under the lash (8),"

wounding many, until they got the better of the Hellenic light troops,

and drove them for shelter behind the heavy infantry, so that this day

that arm was altogether useless, huddling in the mob of sutlers, both 26

slingers and archers alike.

(8) I.e. the Persian leaders were seen flogging their men to the

attack. Cf. Herod. vii. 22. 3.

But when the Hellenes, being so pressed, made an attempt to pursue,

they could barely scale to the summit, being heavy-armed troops, while

the enemy as lightly sprung away; and they suffered similarly in

retiring to join the rest of the army. And then, on the second hill,

the whole had to be gone through again; so that when it came to the

third hillock, they determined not to move the main body of troops

from their position until they had brought up a squadron of light

infantry from the right flank of the square to a point on the mountain

range. When this detachment were once posted above their pursuers, the

latter desisted from attacking the main body in its descent, for fear

of being cut off and finding themselves between two assailants. Thus

the rest of the day they moved on in two divisions: one set keeping to

the road by the hillocks, the other marching parallel on the higher

level along the mountains; and thus they reached the villages and

appointed eight surgeons to attend to the many wounded.

Here they halted three days for the sake of the wounded chiefly, while

a further inducement was the plentiful supply of provisions which they

found, wheat and wine, and large stores of barley laid up for horses.

These supplies had been collected by the ruling satrap of the country.

On the fourth day they began their descent into the plain; but when

Tissaphernes overtook them, necessity taught them to camp in the first

village they caught sight of, and give over the attempt of marching

and fighting simultaneously, as so many were hors de combat, being

either on the list of wounded themselves, or else engaged in carrying

the wounded, or laden with the heavy arms of those so occupied. But

when they were once encamped, and the barbarians, advancing upon the

village, made an attempt to harass them with their sharp-shooters, the

superiority of the Hellenes was pronounced. To sustain a running fight

with an enemy constantly attacking was one thing; to keep him at arm's

length from a fixed base of action another: and the difference was

much in their favour.

But when it was late afternoon, the time had come for the enemy to 34

withdraw, since the habit of the barbarian was never to encamp within

seven or eight miles of the Hellenic camp. This he did in apprehension

of a night attack, for a Persian army is good for nothing at night.

Their horses are haltered, and, as a rule, hobbled as well, to prevent

their escaping, as they might if loose; so that, if any alarm occurs,

the trooper has to saddle and bridle his horse, and then he must put

on his own cuirass, and then mount--all which performances are

difficult at night and in the midst of confusion. For this reason they

always encamped at a distance from the Hellenes.

When the Hellenes perceived that they were preparing to retire, and

that the order was being given, the herald's cry, "Pack up for

starting," might be heard before the enemy was fairly out of earshot.

For a while the Asiatics paused, as if unwilling to be gone; but as

night closed in, off they went, for it did not suit their notions of

expediency to set off on a march and arrive by night. And now, when

the Hellenes saw that they were really and clearly gone, they too

broke up their camp and pursued their march till they had traversed

seven and a half miles. Thus the distance between the two armies grew

to be so great, that the next day the enemy did not appear at all, nor

yet on the third day; but on the fourth the barbarians had pushed on

by a forced night march and occupied a commanding position on the

right, where the Hellenes had to pass. It was a narrow mountain

spur (9) overhanging the descent into the plain.

(9) Lit. "a mere nail tip."

But when Cheirisophus saw that this ridge was occupied, he summoned

Xenophon from the rear, bidding him at the same time to bring up

peltasts to the front. That Xenophon hesitated to do, for Tissaphernes

and his whole army were coming up and were well within sight.

Galloping up to the front himself, he asked: "Why do you summon me?"

The other answered him: "The reason is plain; look yonder; this crest

which overhangs our descent has been occupied. There is no passing, 39

until we have dislodged these fellows; why have you not brought up the

light infantry?" Xenophon explained: he had not thought it desirable

to leave the rear unprotected, with an enemy appearing in the field of

view. "However, it is time," he added, "to decide how we are to

dislodge these fellows from the crest." At this moment his eye fell on

the peak of the mountain, rising immediately above their army, and he

could see an approach leading from it to the crest in question where

the enemy lay. He exclaimed: "The best thing we can do, Cheirisophus,

is to make a dash at the height itself, and with what speed we may. If

we take it, the party in command of the road will never be able to

stop. If you like, stay in command of the army, and I will go; or, if

you prefer, do you go to the mountain, and I will stay here."--"I

leave it to you," Cheirisophus answered, "to choose which you like

best." Xenophon remarking, "I am the younger," elected to go; but he

stipulated for a detachment from the front to accompany him, since it

was a long way to fetch up troops from the rear. Accordingly

Cheirisophus furnished him with the light infantry from the front,

reoccupying their place by those from the centre. He also gave him, to

form part of the detachment, the three hundred of the picked corps (10)

under his own command at the head of the square.

(10) Some think that these three hundred are three of the detached

companies described above; others, that they were a picked corps

in attendance on the commander-in-chief.

They set out from the low ground with all the haste imaginable. But

the enemy in position on the crest no sooner perceived their advance

upon the summit of the pass than they themselves set off full tilt in

a rival race for the summit too. Hoarse were the shouts of the

Hellenic troops as the men cheered their companions forwards, and

hoarse the answering shouts from the troops of Tissaphernes, urging on

theirs. Xenophon, mounted on his charger, rode beside his men, and

roused their ardour the while. "Now for it, brave sirs; bethink you

that this race is for Hellas!--now or never!--to find your boys, your

wives; one small effort, and the rest of the march we shall pursue in

peace, without ever a blow to strike; now for it." But Soteridas the

Sicyonian said: "We are not on equal terms, Xenophon; you are mounted 47

on a horse; I can hardly get along with my shield to carry;" and he,

on hearing the reproach, leapt from his horse. In another instant he

had pushed Soteridas from the ranks, snatched from him his shield, and

begun marching as quickly as he might under the circumstances, having

his horseman's cuirass to carry as well, so that he was sore pressed;

but he continued to cheer on the troops: exhorting those in front to

lead on and the men toiling behind to follow up (11). Soteridas was not

spared by the rest of the men. They gave him blows, they pelted him,

they showered him with abuse, till they compelled him to take back his

shield and march on; and the other, remounting, led them on horseback

as long as the footing held; but when the ground became too steep, he

left his horse and pressed forward on foot, and so they found

themselves on the summit before the enemy.

(11) Some MSS. "and the men behind to pass him by, as he could but ill

keep up the pace."

V

There and then the barbarians turned and fled as best they might, and 1

the Hellenes held the summit, while the troops with Tissaphernes and

Ariaeus turned aside and disappeared by another road. The main body

with Cheirisophus made its way down into the plain and encamped in a

village filled with good things of divers sorts. Nor did this village

stand alone; there were others not a few in this plain of the Tigris

equally overflowing with plenty. It was now afternoon; and all of a

sudden the enemy came in sight on the plain, and succeeded in cutting

down some of the Hellenes belonging to parties who were scattered over

the flat land in quest of spoil. Indeed, many herds of cattle had been

caught whilst being conveyed across to the other side of the river.

And now Tissaphernes and his troops made an attempt to burn the

villages, and some of the Hellenes were disposed to take the matter

deeply to heart, being apprehensive that they might not know where to

get provisions if the enemy burnt the villages.

Cheirisophus and his men were returning from their sally of defence

when Xenophon and his party descended, and the latter rode along the 4

ranks as the rescuing party came up, and greeted them thus: "Do you

not see, men of Hellas, they admit that the country is now ours; what

they stipulated against our doing when they made the treaty, viz. that

we were not to fire the king's country, they are now themselves

doing--setting fire to it as if it were not their own. But we will be

even with them; if they leave provisions for themselves anywhere,

there also shall they see us marching;" and, turning to Cheirisophus,

he added: "But it strikes me, we should sally forth against these

incendiaries and protect our country." Cheirisophus retorted: "That is

not quite my view; I say, let us do a little burning ourselves, and

they will cease all the quicker."

When they had got back to the villages, while the rest were busy about

provisions, the generals and officers met: and here there was deep

despondency. For on the one side were exceedingly high mountains; on

the other a river of such depth that they failed to reach the bottom

with their spears. In the midst of their perplexities, a Rhodian came

up with a proposal, as follows: "I am ready, sirs to carry you across,

four thousand heavy infantry at a time; if you will furnish me with

what I need and give me a talent into the bargain for my pains." When

asked, "What shall you need?" he replied: "Two thousand wine-skins. I

see there are plenty of sheep and goats and asses. They have only to

be flayed, and their skins inflated, and they will readily give us a

passage. I shall want also the straps which you use for the baggage

animals. With these I shall couple the skins to one another; then I

shall moor each skin by attaching stones and letting them down like

anchors into the water. Then I shall carry them across, and when I

have fastened the links at both ends, I shall place layers of wood on

them and a coating of earth on the top of that. You will see in a

minute that there's no danger of your drowning, for every skin will be

able to support a couple of men without sinking, and the wood and

earth will prevent your slipping off."

The generals thought it a pretty invention enough, but its realisation

impracticable, for on the other side were masses of cavalry posted and

ready to bar the passage; who, to begin with, would not suffer the 12

first detachment of crossers to carry out any item of the programme.

Under these circumstances, the next day they turned right about face,

and began retracing their steps in the direction of Babylon to the

unburnt villages, having previously set fire to those they left, so

that the enemy did not ride up to them, but stood and stared, all

agape to see in what direction the Hellenes would betake themselves

and what they were minded to do. Here, again, while the rest of the

soldiers were busy about provisions, the generals and officers met in

council, and after collecting the prisoners together, submitted them

to a cross-examination touching the whole country round, the names,

and so forth, of each district.

The prisoners informed them that the regions south, through which they

had come, belonged to the district towards Babylon and Media; the road

east led to Susa and Ecbatana, where the king is said to spend summer

and spring; crossing the river, the road west led to Lydia and Ionia;

and the part through the mountains facing towards the Great Bear, led,

they said, to the Carduchians (1). They were a people, so said the

prisoners, dwelling up on the hills, addicted to war, and not subject

to the king; so much so that once, when a royal army one hundred and

twenty thousand strong had invaded them, not a man came back, owing to

the intricacies of the country. Occasionally, however, they made truce

or treaty with the satrap in the plain, and, for the nonce, there

would be intercourse: "they will come in and out amongst us," "and we

will go in and out amongst them," said the captives.

(1) See Dr. Kiepert, "Man. Anc. Geog." (Mr. G. A. Macmillan) iv. 47.

The Karduchians or Kurds belong by speech to the Iranian stock,

forming in fact their farthest outpost to the west, little given

to agriculture, but chiefly to the breeding of cattle. Their name,

pronounced Kardu by the ancient Syrians and Assyrians, Kordu by

the Armenians (plural Kordukh), first appears in its narrower

sense in western literature in the pages of the eye-witness

Xenophon as {Kardoukhoi}. Later writers knew of a small kingdom

here at the time of the Roman occupation, ruled by native princes,

who after Tigranes II (about 80 B.C.) recognised the overlordship

of the Armenian king. Later it became a province of the Sassanid

kingdom, and as such was in 297 A.D. handed over among the

regiones transtigritanae to the Roman empire, but in 364 was again

ceded to Persia.

After hearing these statements, the generals seated apart those who 17

claimed to have any special knowledge of the country in any direction;

they put them to sit apart without making it clear which particular

route they intended to take. Finally the resolution to which they came

was that they must force a passage through the hills into the

territory of the Kurds; since, according to what their informants told

them, when they had once passed these, they would find themselves in

Armenia--the rich and large territory governed by Orontas; and from

Armenia, it would be easy to proceed in any direction whatever.

Thereupon they offered sacrifice, so as to be ready to start on the

march as soon as the right moment appeared to have arrived. Their

chief fear was that the high pass over the mountains must be occupied

in advance: and a general order was issued, that after supper every

one should get his kit together for starting, and repose, in readiness

to follow as soon as the word of command was given.

BOOK IV

(In the preceding portion of the narrative a full account is

given of the incidents of the march up to the battle, and of

the occurrences after the battle during the truce which was

established between the king and the Hellenes, who marched up

with Cyrus, and thirdly, of the fighting to which the Hellenes

were exposed, after the king and Tissaphernes had broken the

treaty, while a Persian army hung on their rear. Having

finally reached a point at which the Tigris was absolutely

impassable owing to its depth and breadth, while there was no

passage along the bank itself, and the Carduchian hills hung

sheer over the river, the generals took the resolution above

mentioned of forcing a passage through the mountains. The

information derived from the prisoners taken along the way led

them to believe that once across the Carduchian mountains they

would have the choice either of crossing the Tigris--if they

liked to do so--at its sources in Armenia, or of going round

them, if so they preferred. Report further said that the

sources of the Euphrates also were not far from those of the

Tigris, and this is actually the case. The advance into the

country of the Carduchians was conducted with a view partly to

secrecy, and partly to speed, so as to effect their entry

before the enemy could occupy the passes.)

I

It was now about the last watch, and enough of the night remained to 1

allow them to cross the valley under cover of darkness; when, at the

word of command, they rose and set off on their march, reaching the

mountains at daybreak. At this stage of the march Cheirisophus, at the

head of his own division, with the whole of the light troops, led the

van, while Xenophon followed behind with the heavy infantry of the

rearguard, but without any light troops, since there seemed to be no

danger of pursuit or attack from the rear, while they were making

their way up hill. Cheirisophus reached the summit without any of the 6

enemy perceiving him. Then he led on slowly, and the rest of the army

followed, wave upon wave, cresting the summit and descending into the

villages which nestled in the hollows and recesses of the hills.

Thereupon the Carduchians abandoned their dwelling places, and with

their wives and children fled to the mountains; so there was plenty of

provisions to be got for the mere trouble of taking, and the

homesteads too were well supplied with a copious store of bronze

vessels and utensils which the Hellenes kept their hands off,

abstaining at the same time from all pursuit of the folk themselves,

gently handling them, in hopes that the Carduchians might be willing

to give them friendly passage through their country, since they too

were enemies of the king: only they helped themselves to such

provisions as fell in their way, which indeed was a sheer necessity.

But the Carduchians neither gave ear, when they called to them, nor

showed any other friendly sign; and now, as the last of the Hellenes

descended into the villages from the pass, they were already in the

dark, since, owing to the narrowness of the road, the whole day had

been spent in the ascent and descent. At that instant a party of the

Carduchians, who had collected, made an attack on the hindmost men,

killing some and wounding others with stones and arrows--though it was

quite a small body who attacked. The fact was, the approach of the

Hellenic army had taken them by surprise; if, however, they had

mustered in larger force at this time, the chances are that a large

portion of the army would have been annihilated. As it was, they got

into quarters, and bivouacked in the villages that night, while the

Carduchians kept many watch-fires blazing in a circle on the

mountains, and kept each other in sight all round.

But with the dawn the generals and officers of the Hellenes met and

resolved to proceed, taking only the necessary number of stout baggage

animals, and leaving the weaklings behind. They resolved further to

let go free all the lately-captured slaves in the host; for the pace

of the march was necessarily rendered slow by the quantity of animals

and prisoners, and the number of non-combatants in attendance on these 13

was excessive, while, with such a crowd of human beings to satisfy,

twice the amount of provisions had to be procured and carried. These

resolutions passed, they caused a proclamation by herald to be made

for their enforcement.

When they had breakfasted and the march recommenced, the generals

planted themselves a little to one side in a narrow place, and when

they found any of the aforesaid slaves or other property still

retained, they confiscated them. The soldiers yielded obedience,

except where some smuggler, prompted by desire of a good-looking boy

or woman, managed to make off with his prize. During this day they

contrived to get along after a fashion, now fighting and now resting.

But on the next day they were visited by a great storm, in spite of

which they were obliged to continue the march, owing to insufficiency

of provisions. Cheirisophus was as usual leading in front, while

Xenophon headed the rearguard, when the enemy began a violent and

sustained attack. At one narrow place after another they came up quite

close, pouring in volleys of arrows and slingstones, so that the

Hellenes had no choice but to make sallies in pursuit and then again

recoil, making but very little progress. Over and over again Xenophon

would send an order to the front to slacken pace, when the enemy were

pressing their attack severely. As a rule, when the word was so passed

up, Cheirisophus slackened; but sometimes instead of slackening,

Cheirisophus quickened, sending down a counter-order to the rear to

follow on quickly. It was clear that there was something or other

happening, but there was no time to go to the front and discover the

cause of the hurry. Under the circumstances the march, at any rate in

the rear, became very like a rout, and here a brave man lost his life,

Cleonymus the Laconian, shot with an arrow in the ribs right through

shield and corselet, as also Basias, an Arcadian, shot clean through

the head.

As soon as they reached a halting-place, Xenophon, without more ado,

came up to Cheirisophus, and took him to task for not having waited,

"whereby," he said, "we were forced to fight and flee at the same 19

moment; and now it has cost us the lives of two fine fellows; they are

dead, and we were not able to pick up their bodies or bury them."

Cheirisophus answered: "Look up there," pointing as he spoke to the

mountain, "do you see how inaccessible it all is? only this one road,

which you see, going straight up, and on it all that crowd of men who

have seized and are guarding the single exit. That is why I hastened

on, and why I could not wait for you, hoping to be beforehand with

them yonder in seizing the pass: the guides we have got say there is

no other way." And Xenophon replied: "But I have got two prisoners

also; the enemy annoyed us so much that we laid an ambuscade for them,

which also gave us time to recover our breaths; we killed some of

them, and did our best to catch one or two alive--for this very

reason--that we might have guides who knew the country, to depend

upon."

The two were brought up at once and questioned separately: "Did they

know of any other road than the one visible?" The first said no; and

in spite of all sorts of terrors applied to extract a better

answer--"no," he persisted. When nothing could be got out of him, he

was killed before the eyes of his fellow. This latter then explained:

"Yonder man said, he did not know, because he has got a daughter

married to a husband in those parts. I can take you," he added, "by a

good road, practicable even for beasts." And when asked whether there

was any point on it difficult to pass, he replied that there was a col

which it would be impossible to pass unless it were occupied in

advance.

Then it was resolved to summon the officers of the light infantry and

some of those of the heavy infantry, and to acquaint them with the

state of affairs, and ask them whether any of them were minded to

distinguish themselves, and would step forward as volunteers on an

expedition. Two or three heavy infantry soldiers stepped forward at

once--two Arcadians, Aristonymus of Methydrium, and Agasias of

Stymphalus--and in emulation of these, a third, also an Arcadian,

Callimachus from Parrhasia, who said he was ready to go, and would get

volunteers from the whole army to join him. "I know," he added, "there 27

will be no lack of youngsters to follow where I lead." After that they

asked, "Were there any captains of light infantry willing to accompany

the expedition?" Aristeas, a Chian, who on several occasions proved

his usefulness to the army on such service, volunteered.

II

It was already late afternoon, when they ordered the storming party to 1

take a snatch of food and set off; then they bound the guide and

handed him over to them. The agreement was, that if they succeeded in

taking the summit they were to guard the position that night, and at

daybreak to give a signal by bugle. At this signal the party on the

summit were to attack the enemy in occupation of the visible pass,

while the generals with the main body would bring up their succours;

making their way up with what speed they might. With this

understanding, off they set, two thousand strong; and there was a

heavy downpour of rain, but Xenophon, with his rearguard, began

advancing to the visible pass, so that the enemy might fix his

attention on this road, and the party creeping round might, as much as

possible, elude observation. Now when the rearguard, so advancing, had

reached a ravine which they must cross in order to strike up the

steep, at that instant the barbarians began rolling down great

boulders, each a wagon load (1), some larger, some smaller; against the

rocks they crashed and splintered flying like slingstones in every

direction--so that it was absolutely out of the question even to

approach the entrance of the pass. Some of the officers finding

themselves baulked at this point, kept trying other ways, nor did they

desist till darkness set in; and then, when they thought they would

not be seen retiring, they returned to supper. Some of them who had

been on duty in the rearguard had had no breakfast (it so happened).

However, the enemy never ceased rolling down their stones all through

the night, as was easy to infer from the booming sound.

(1) I.e. several ton weight.

The party with the guide made a circuit and surprised the enemy's

guards seated round their fire, and after killing some, and driving

out the rest, took their places, thinking that they were in possession

of the height. As a matter of fact they were not, for above them lay a 6

breast-like hill (2) skirted by the narrow road on which they had found

the guards seated. Still, from the spot in question there was an

approach to the enemy, who were seated on the pass before mentioned.

(2) Or, "mamelon."

Here then they passed the night, but at the first glimpse of dawn they

marched stealthily and in battle order against the enemy. There was a

mist, so that they could get quite close without being observed. But

as soon as they caught sight of one another, the trumpet sounded, and

with a loud cheer they rushed upon the fellows, who did not wait their

coming, but left the road and made off; with the loss of only a few

lives however, so nimble were they. Cheirisophus and his men, catching

the sound of the bugle, charged up by the well-marked road, while

others of the generals pushed their way up by pathless routes, where

each division chanced to be; the men mounting as they were best able,

and hoisting one another up by means of their spears; and these were

the first to unite with the party who had already taken the position

by storm. Xenophon, with the rearguard, followed the path which the

party with the guide had taken, since it was easiest for the beasts of

burthen; one half of his men he had posted in rear of the baggage

animals; the other half he had with himself. In their course they

encountered a crest above the road, occupied by the enemy, whom they

must either dislodge or be themselves cut off from the rest of the

Hellenes. The men by themselves could have taken the same route as the

rest, but the baggage animals could not mount by any other way than

this.

Here then, with shouts of encouragement to each other, they dashed at

the hill with their storming columns, not from all sides, but leaving

an avenue of escape for the enemy, if he chose to avail himself of it.

For a while, as the men scrambled up where each best could, the

natives kept up a fire of arrows and darts, yet did not receive them

at close quarters, but presently left the position in flight. No

sooner, however, were the Hellenes safely past this crest, than they

came in sight of another in front of them, also occupied, and deemed

it advisable to storm it also. But now it struck Xenophon that if they 13

left the ridge just taken unprotected in their rear, the enemy might

re-occupy it and attack the baggage animals as they filed past,

presenting a long extended line owing to the narrowness of the road by

which they made their way. To obviate this, he left some officers in

charge of the ridge--Cephisodorus, son of Cephisophon, an Athenian;

Amphicrates, the son of Amphidemus, an Athenian; and Archagoras, an

Argive exile--while he in person with the rest of the men attacked the

second ridge; this they took in the same fashion, only to find that

they had still a third knoll left, far the steepest of the three. This

was none other than the mamelon mentioned as above the outpost, which

had been captured over their fire by the volunteer storming party in

the night. But when the Hellenes were close, the natives, to the

astonishment of all, without a struggle deserted the knoll. It was

conjectured that they had left their position from fear of being

encircled and besieged, but the fact was that they, from their higher

ground, had been able to see what was going on in the rear, and had

all made off in this fashion to attack the rearguard.

So then Xenophon, with the youngest men, scaled up to the top, leaving

orders to the rest to march on slowly, so as to allow the hindmost

companies to unite with them; they were to advance by the road, and

when they reached the level to ground arms (3). Meanwhile the Argive

Archagoras arrived, in full flight, with the announcement that they

had been dislodged from the first ridge, and that Cephisodorus and

Amphicrates were slain, with a number of others besides, all in fact

who had not jumped down the crags and so reached the rearguard. After

this achievement the barbarians came to a crest facing the mamelon,

and Xenophon held a colloquy with them by means of an interpreter, to

negotiate a truce, and demanded back the dead bodies. These they

agreed to restore if he would not burn their houses, and to these

terms Xenophon agreed. Meanwhile, as the rest of the army filed past,

and the colloquy was proceeding, all the people of the place had time

to gather gradually, and the enemy formed; and as soon as the Hellenes

began to descend from the mamelon to join the others where the troops

were halted, on rushed the foe, in full force, with hue and cry. They 20

reached the summit of the mamelon from which Xenophon was descending,

and began rolling down crags. One man's leg was crushed to pieces.

Xenophon was left by his shield-bearer, who carried off his shield,

but Eurylochus of Lusia (4), an Arcadian hoplite, ran up to him, and

threw his shield in front to protect both of them; so the two together

beat a retreat, and so too the rest, and joined the serried ranks of

the main body.

(3) To take up position.

(4) I.e. of Lusi (or Lusia), a town (or district) in Northern Arcadia.

After this the whole Hellenic force united, and took up their quarters

there in numerous beautiful dwellings, with an ample store of

provisions, for there was wine so plentiful that they had it in

cemented cisterns. Xenophon and Cheirisophus arranged to recover the

dead, and in return restored the guide; afterwards they did everything

for the dead, according to the means at their disposal, with the

customary honours paid to good men.

Next day they set off without a guide; and the enemy, by keeping up a

continuous battle and occupying in advance every narrow place,

obstructed passage after passage. Accordingly, whenever the van was

obstructed, Xenophon, from behind, made a dash up the hills and broke

the barricade, and freed the vanguard by endeavouring to get above the

obstructing enemy. Whenever the rear was the point attacked,

Cheirisophus, in the same way, made a detour, and by endeavouring to

mount higher than the barricaders, freed the passage for the rear

rank; and in this way, turn and turn about, they rescued each other,

and paid unflinching attention to their mutual needs. At times it

happened that, the relief party having mounted, encountered

considerable annoyance in their descent from the barbarians, who were

so agile that they allowed them to come up quite close, before they

turned back, and still escaped, partly no doubt because the only

weapons they had to carry were bows and slings.

They were, moreover, excellent archers, using bows nearly three cubits

long and arrows more than two cubits. When discharging the arrow, they

draw the string by getting a purchase with the left foot planted 28

forward on the lower end of the bow. The arrows pierced through shield

and cuirass, and the Hellenes, when they got hold of them, used them

as javelins, fitting them to their thongs. In these districts the

Cretans were highly serviceable. They were under the command of

Stratocles, a Cretan.

III

During this day they bivouacked in the villages which lie above the 1

plain of the river Centrites (1), which is about two hundred feet

broad. It is the frontier river between Armenia and the country of the

Carduchians. Here the Hellenes recruited themselves, and the sight of

the plain filled them with joy, for the river was but six or seven

furlongs distant from the mountains of the Carduchians. For the moment

then they bivouacked right happily; they had their provisions, they

had also many memories of the labours that were now passed; seeing

that the last seven days spent in traversing the country of the

Carduchians had been one long continuous battle, which had cost them

more suffering than the whole of their troubles at the hands of the

king and Tissaphernes put together. As though they were truly quit of

them for ever, they laid their heads to rest in sweet content.

(1) I.e. the Eastern Tigris.

But with the morrow's dawn they espied horsemen at a certain point

across the river, armed cap-a-pie, as if they meant to dispute the

passage. Infantry, too, drawn up in line upon the banks above the

cavalry, threatened to prevent them debouching into Armenia. These

troops were Armenian and Mardian and Chaldaean mercenaries belonging

to Orontas and Artuchas. The last of the three, the Chaldaeans, were

said to be a free and brave set of people. They were armed with long

wicker shields and lances. The banks before named on which they were

drawn up were a hundred yards or more distant from the river, and the

single road which was visible was one leading upwards and looking like

a regular artificially constructed highway. At this point the Hellenes

endeavoured to cross, but on their making the attempt the water proved 6

to be more than breast-deep, and the river bed was rough with great

slippery stones, and as to holding their arms in the water, it was out

of the question--the stream swept them away--or if they tried to carry

them over the head, the body was left exposed to the arrows and other

missiles; accordingly they turned back and encamped there by the bank

of the river.

At the point where they had themselves been last night, up on the

mountains, they could see the Carduchians collected in large numbers

and under arms. A shadow of deep despair again descended on their

souls, whichever way they turned their eyes--in front lay the river so

difficult to ford; over, on the other side, a new enemy threatening to

bar the passage; on the hills behind, the Carduchians ready to fall

upon their rear should they once again attempt to cross. Thus for this

day and night they halted, sunk in perplexity. But Xenophon had a

dream. In his sleep he thought that he was bound in fetters, but

these, of their own accord, fell from off him, so that he was loosed,

and could stretch his legs as freely as he wished (2). So at the first

glimpse of daylight he came to Cheirisophus and told him that he had

hopes that all things would go well, and related to him his dream.

(2) It is impossible to give the true sense and humour of the passage

in English, depending, as it does, on the double meaning of

{diabainein} (1) to cross (a river), (2) to stride or straddle (of

the legs). The army is unable to cross the Centrites; Xenophon

dreams that he is fettered, but the chains drop off his legs and

he is able to stride as freely as ever; next morning the two young

men come to him with the story how they have found themselves able

to walk cross the river instead of having to swim it. It is

obvious to Xenophon that the dream is sent from Heaven.

The other was well pleased, and with the first faint gleam of dawn the

generals all were present and did sacrifice; and the victims were

favourable in the first essay. Retiring from the sacrifice, the

generals and officers issued an order to the troops to take their

breakfasts; and while Xenophon was taking his, two young men came

running up to him, for every one knew that, breakfasting or supping,

he was always accessible, or that even if asleep any one was welcome

to awaken him who had anything to say bearing on the business of war. 10

What the two young men had at this time to say was that they had been

collecting brushwood for fire, and had presently espied on the

opposite side, in among some rocks which came down to the river's

brink, an old man and some women and little girls depositing, as it

would appear, bags of clothes in a cavernous rock. When they saw them,

it struck them that it was safe to cross; in any case the enemy's

cavalry could not approach at this point. So they stripped naked,

expecting to have to swim for it, and with their long knives in their

hands began crossing, but going forward crossed without being wet up

to the fork. Once across they captured the clothes, and came back

again.

Accordingly Xenophon at once poured out a libation himself, and bade

the two young fellows fill the cup and pray to the gods, who showed to

him this vision and to them a passage, to bring all other blessings

for them to accomplishment. When he had poured out the libation, he at

once led the two young men to Cheirisophus, and they repeated to him

their story. Cheirisophus, on hearing it, offered libations also, and

when they had performed them, they sent a general order to the troops

to pack up ready for starting, while they themselves called a meeting

of the generals and took counsel how they might best effect a passage,

so as to overpower the enemy in front without suffering any loss from

the men behind. And they resolved that Cheirisophus should lead the

van and cross with half the army, the other half still remaining

behind under Xenophon, while the baggage animals and the mob of

sutlers were to cross between the two divisions.

When all was duly ordered the move began, the young men pioneering

them, and keeping the river on their left. It was about four furlongs'

march to the crossing, and as they moved along the bank, the squadrons

of cavalry kept pace with them on the opposite side.

But when they had reached a point in a line with the ford, and the

cliff-like banks of the river, they grounded arms, and first

Cheirisophus himself placed a wreath upon his brows, and throwing off 17

his cloak (3), resumed his arms, passing the order to all the rest to

do the same, and bade the captains form their companies in open order

in deep columns, some to left and some to right of himself. Meanwhile

the soothsayers were slaying a victim over the river, and the enemy

were letting fly their arrows and slingstones; but as yet they were

out of range. As soon as the victims were favourable, all the soldiers

began singing the battle hymn, and with the notes of the paean mingled

the shouting of the men accompanied by the shriller chant of the

women, for there were many women (4) in the camp.

(3) Or, "having doffed it," i.e. the wreath, an action which the

soldiers would perform symbolically, if Grote is right in his

interpretation of the passage, "Hist. of Greece," vol. ix. p. 137.

(4) Lit. "comrade-women."

So Cheirisophus with his detachment stepped in. But Xenophon, taking

the most active-bodied of the rearguard, began running back at full

speed to the passage facing the egress into the hills of Armenia,

making a feint of crossing at that point to intercept their cavalry on

the river bank. The enemy, seeing Cheirisophus's detachment easily

crossing the stream, and Xenophon's men racing back, were seized with

the fear of being intercepted, and fled at full speed in the direction

of the road which emerges from the stream. But when they were come

opposite to it they raced up hill towards their mountains. Then

Lycius, who commanded the cavalry, and Aeschines, who was in command

of the division of light infantry attached to Cheirisophus, no sooner

saw them fleeing so lustily than they were after them, and the

soldiers shouted not to fall behind (5), but to follow them right up to

the mountains. Cheirisophus, on getting across, forbore to pursue the

cavalry, but advanced by the bluffs which reached to the river to

attack the enemy overhead. And these, seeing their own cavalry

fleeing, seeing also the heavy infantry advancing upon them, abandoned

the heights above the river.

(5) Or, "to stick tight to them and not to be outdone"; or, as others

understand, "the (infantry) soldiers clamoured not to be left

behind, but to follow them up into the mountains."

Xenophon, as soon as he saw that things were going well on the other 24

side, fell back with all speed to join the troops engaged in crossing,

for by this time the Carduchians were well in sight, descending into

the plain to attack their rear.

Cheirisophus was in possession of the higher ground, and Lycius, with

his little squadron, in an attempt to follow up the pursuit, had

captured some stragglers of their baggage-bearers, and with them some

handsome apparel and drinking-cups. The baggage animals of the

Hellenes and the mob of non-combatants were just about to cross, when

Xenonphon turned his troops right about to face the Carduchians.

Vis-a-vis he formed his line, passing the order to the captains each

to form his company into sections, and to deploy them into line by the

left, the captains of companies and lieutenants in command of sections

to advance to meet the Carduchians, while the rear leaders would keep

their position facing the river. But when the Carduchians saw the

rearguard so stript of the mass, and looking now like a mere handful

of men, they advanced all the more quickly, singing certain songs the

while. Then, as matters were safe with him, Cheirisophus sent back the

peltasts and slingers and archers to join Xenophon, with orders to

carry out his instructions. They were in the act of recrossing, when

Xenophon, who saw their intention, sent a messenger across, bidding

them wait there at the river's brink without crossing; but as soon as

he and his detachment began to cross they were to step in facing him

in two flanking divisions right and left of them, as if in the act of

crossing; the javelin men with their javelins on the thong, and the

bowmen with their arrows on the string; but they were not to advance

far into the stream. The order passed to his own men was: "Wait till

you are within sling-shot, and the shield rattles, then sound the

paean and charge the enemy. As soon as he turns, and the bugle from

the river sounds for 'the attack,' you will face about to the right,

the rear rank leading, and the whole detachment falling back and

crossing the river as quickly as possible, every one preserving his

original rank, so as to avoid tramelling one another: the bravest man

is he who gets to the other side first."

The Carduchians, seeing that the remnant left was the merest handful 30

(for many even of those whose duty it was to remain had gone off in

their anxiety to protect their beasts of burden, or their personal

kit, or their mistresses), bore down upon them valorously, and opened

fire with slingstones and arrows. But the Hellenes, raising the battle

hymn, dashed at them at a run, and they did not await them; armed well

enough for mountain warfare, and with a view to sudden attack followed

by speedy flight, they were not by any means sufficiently equipped for

an engagement at close quarters. At this instant the signal of the

bugle was heard. Its notes added wings to the flight of the

barbarians, but the Hellenes turned right about in the opposite

direction, and betook themselves to the river with what speed they

might. Some of the enemy, here a man and there another, perceived, and

running back to the river, let fly their arrows and wounded a few; but

the majority, even when the Hellenes were well across, were still to

be seen pursuing their flight. The detachment which came to meet

Xenophon's men, carried away by their valour, advanced further than

they had need to, and had to cross back again in the rear of

Xenophon's men, and of these too a few were wounded.

IV

The passage effected, they fell into line about mid-day, and marched 1

through Armenian territory, one long plain with smooth rolling

hillocks, not less than five parasangs in distance; for owing to the

wars of this people with the Carduchians there were no villages near

the river. The village eventually reached was large, and possessed a

palace belonging to the satrap, and most of the houses were crowned

with turrets; provisions were plentiful.

From this village they marched two stages--ten parasangs--until they

had surmounted the sources of the river Tigris; and from this point

they marched three stages--fifteen parasangs--to the river Teleboas.

This was a fine stream, though not large, and there were many

villages about it. The district was named Western Armenia. The

lieutenant-governor of it was Tiribazus, the king's friend, and

whenever the latter paid a visit, he alone had the privilege of

mounting the king upon his horse. This officer rode up to the Hellenes

with a body of cavalry, and sending forward an interpreter, stated

that he desired a colloquy with the leaders. The generals resolved to 5

hear what he had to say; and advancing on their side to within

speaking distance, they demanded what he wanted. He replied that he

wished to make a treaty with them, in accordance with which he on his

side would abstain from injuring the Hellenes, if they would not burn

his houses, but merely take such provisions as they needed. This

proposal satisfied the generals, and a treaty was made on the terms

suggested.

From this place they marched three stages--fifteen parasangs--through

plain country, Tiribazus the while keeping close behind with his own

forces more than a mile off. Presently they reached a palace with

villages clustered round about it, which were full of supplies in

great variety. But while they were encamping in the night, there was a

heavy fall of snow, and in the morning it was resolved to billet out

the different regiments, with their generals, throughout the villages.

There was no enemy in sight, and the proceeding seemed prudent, owing

to the quantity of snow. In these quarters they had for provisions all

the good things there are--sacrificial beasts, corn, old wines with an

exquisite bouquet, dried grapes, and vegetables of all sorts. But some

of the stragglers from the camp reported having seen an army, and the

blaze of many watchfires in the night. Accordingly the generals

concluded that it was not prudent to separate their quarters in this

way, and a resolution was passed to bring the troops together again.

After that they reunited, the more so that the weather promised to be

fine with a clear sky; but while they lay there in open quarters,

during the night down came so thick a fall of snow that it completely

covered up the stacks of arms and the men themselves lying down. It

cramped and crippled the baggage animals; and there was great

unreadiness to get up, so gently fell the snow as they lay there warm

and comfortable, and formed a blanket, except where it slipped off the

sleepers' shoulders; and it was not until Xenophon roused himself to

get up, and, without his cloak on (1), began to split wood, that

quickly first one and then another got up, and taking the log away 12

from him, fell to splitting. Thereat the rest followed suit, got up,

and began kindling fire and oiling their bodies, for there was a

scented unguent to be found there in abundance, which they used

instead of oil. It was made from pig's fat, sesame, bitter almonds,

and turpentine. There was a sweet oil also to be found, made of the

same ingredients.

(1) Or, as we should say, "in his shirt sleeves." Doubtless he lay

with his {imation} or cloak loosely wrapped round him; as he

sprang to his feet he would throw it off, or it would fall off,

and with the simple inner covering of the {khiton} to protect him,

and arms free, he fell to chopping the wood, only half clad.

After this it was resolved that they must again separate their

quarters and get under cover in the villages. At this news the

soldiers, with much joy and shouting, rushed upon the covered houses

and the provisions; but all who in their blind folly had set fire to

the houses when they left them before, now paid the penalty in the

poor quarters they got. From this place one night they sent off a

party under Democrates, a Temenite (2), up into the mountains, where

the stragglers reported having seen watchfires. The leader selected

was a man whose judgement might be depended upon to verify the truth

of the matter. With a happy gift to distinguish between fact and

fiction, he had often been successfully appealed to. He went and

reported that he had seen no watchfires, but he had got a man, whom he

brought back with him, carrying a Persian bow and quiver, and a

sagaris or battleaxe like those worn by the Amazons. When asked "from

what country he came," the prisoner answered that he was "a Persian,

and was going from the army of Tiribazus to get provisions." They next

asked him "how large the army was, and for what object it had been

collected." His answer was that "it consisted of Tiribazus at the head

of his own forces, and aided by some Chalybian and Taochian

mercenaries. Tiribazus had got it together," he added, "meaning to

attack the Hellenes on the high mountain pass, in a defile which was

the sole passage."

(2) Reading {Temeniten}, i.e. a native of Temenus, a district of

Syracuse; al. {Temniten}, i.e. from Temnus in the Aeolid; al.

{Temeniten}, i.e. from Temenum in the Argolid.

When the generals heard this news, they resolved to collect the

troops, and they set off at once, taking the prisoner to act as guide,

and leaving a garrison behind with Sophaenetus the Stymphalian in 19

command of those who remained in the camp. As soon as they had begun

to cross the hills, the light infantry, advancing in front and

catching sight of the camp, did not wait for the heavy infantry, but

with a loud shout rushed upon the enemy's entrenchment. The natives,

hearing the din and clatter, did not care to stop, but took rapidly to

their heels. But, for all their expedition, some of them were killed,

and as many as twenty horses were captured, with the tent of

Tiribazus, and its contents, silver-footed couches and goblets,

besides certain persons styling themselves the butlers and bakers. As

soon as the generals of the heavy infantry division had learnt the

news, they resolved to return to the camp with all speed, for fear of

an attack being made on the remnant left behind. The recall was

sounded and the retreat commenced; the camp was reached the same day.

V

The next day it was resolved that they should set off with all 1

possible speed, before the enemy had time to collect and occupy the

defile. Having got their kit and baggage together, they at once began

their march through deep snow with several guides, and, crossing the

high pass the same day on which Tiribazus was to have attacked them,

got safely into cantonments. From this point they marched three desert

stages--fifteen parassangs--to the river Euphrates, and crossed it in

water up to the waist. The sources of the river were reported to be at

no great distance. From this place they marched through deep snow over

a flat country three stages--fifteen parasangs (1). The last of these

marches was trying, with the north wind blowing in their teeth, drying

up everything and benumbing the men. Here one of the seers suggested

to them to do sacrifice to Boreas, and sacrifice was done. The effect

was obvious to all in the diminished fierceness of the blast. But

there was six feet of snow, so that many of the baggage animals and

slaves were lost, and about thirty of the men themselves.

(1) Al. "ten," al. "five."

They spent the whole night in kindling fire; for there was fortunately

no dearth of wood at the halting-place; only those who came late into

camp had no wood. Accordingly those who had arrived a good while and 5

had kindled fires were not for allowing these late-comers near the

fires, unless they would in return give a share of their corn or of

any other victuals they might have. Here then a general exchange of

goods was set up. Where the fire was kindled the snow melted, and

great trenches formed themselves down to the bare earth, and here it

was possible to measure the depth of the snow.

Leaving these quarters, they marched the whole of the next day over

snow, and many of the men were afflicted with "boulimia" (or

hunger-faintness). Xenophon, who was guarding the rear, came upon some

men who had dropt down, and he did not know what ailed them; but some

one who was experienced in such matters suggested to him that they had

evidently got boulimia; and if they got something to eat, they would

revive. Then he went the round of the baggage train, and laying an

embargo on any eatables he could see, doled out with his own hands, or

sent off other able-bodied agents to distribute to the sufferers, who

as soon as they had taken a mouthful got on their legs again and

continued the march.

On and on they marched, and about dusk Cheirisophus reached a village,

and surprised some women and girls who had come from the village to

fetch water at the fountain outside the stockade. These asked them who

they were. The interpreters answered for them in Persian: "They were

on their way from the king to the satrap;" in reply to which the women

gave them to understand that the satrap was not at home, but was away

a parasang farther on. As it was late they entered with the

water-carriers within the stockade to visit the headman of the

village. Accordingly Cheirisophus and as many of the troops as were

able got into cantonments there, while the rest of the soldiers--those

namely who were unable to complete the march--had to spend the night

out, without food and without fire; under the circumstances some of

the men perished.

On the heels of the army hung perpetually bands of the enemy,

snatching away disabled baggage animals and fighting with each other

over the carcases. And in its track not seldom were left to their fate

disabled soldiers, struck down with snow-blindness or with toes 12

mortified by frostbite. As to the eyes, it was some alleviation

against the snow to march with something black before them; for the

feet, the only remedy was to keep in motion without stopping for an

instant, and to loose the sandal at night. If they went to sleep with

the sandals on, the thong worked into the feet, and the sandals were

frozen fast to them. This was partly due to the fact that, since their

old sandals had failed, they wore untanned brogues made of

newly-flayed ox-hides. It was owing to some such dire necessity that a

party of men fell out and were left behind, and seeing a black-looking

patch of ground where the snow had evidently disappeared, they

conjectured it must have been melted; and this was actually so, owing

to a spring of some sort which was to be seen steaming up in a dell

close by. To this they had turned aside and sat down, and were loth to

go a step further. But Xenophon, with his rearguard, perceived them,

and begged and implored them by all manner of means not to be left

behind, telling them that the enemy were after them in large packs

pursuing; and he ended by growing angry. They merely bade him put a

knife to their throats; not one step farther would they stir. Then it

seemed best to frighten the pursuing enemy if possible, and prevent

their falling upon the invalids. It was already dusk, and the pursuers

were advancing with much noise and hubbub, wrangling and disputing

over their spoils. Then all of a sudden the rearguard, in the

plenitude of health and strength (2), sprang up out of their lair and

run upon the enemy, whilst those weary wights (3) bawled out as loud as

their sick throats could sound, and clashed their spears against their

shields; and the enemy in terror hurled themselves through the snow

into the dell, and not one of them ever uttered a sound again.

(2) Hug, after Rehdantz, would omit the words "in the plenitude of

health and strength."

(3) Or, "the invalids."

Xenophon and his party, telling the sick folk that next day people

would come for them, set off, and before they had gone half a mile

they fell in with some soldiers who had laid down to rest on the snow

with their cloaks wrapped round them, but never a guard was

established, and they made them get up. Their explanation was that 19

those in front would not move on. Passing by this group he sent

forward the strongest of his light infantry in advance, with orders to

find out what the stoppage was. They reported that the whole army lay

reposing in such fashion. That being so, Xenophon's men had nothing

for it but to bivouac in the open air also, without fire and

supperless, merely posting what pickets they could under the

circumstances. But as soon as it drew towards day, Xenophon despatched

the youngest of his men to the sick folk behind, with orders to make

them get up and force them to proceed. Meanwhile Cheirisophus had sent

some of his men quartered in the village to enquire how they fared in

the rear; they were overjoyed to see them, and handed over the sick

folk to them to carry into camp, while they themselves continued their

march forward, and ere twenty furlongs were past reached the village

in which Cheirisophus was quartered. As soon as the two divisions were

met, the resolution was come to that it would be safe to billet the

regiments throughout the villages; Cheirisophus remained where he was,

while the rest drew lots for the villages in sight, and then, with

their several detachments, marched off to their respective

destinations.

It was here that Polycrates, an Athenian and captain of a company,

asked for leave of absence--he wished to be off on a quest of his own;

and putting himself at the head of the active men of the division, he

ran to the village which had been allotted to Xenophon. He surprised

within it the villagers with their headman, and seventeen young horses

which were being reared as a tribute for the king, and, last of all,

the headman's own daughter, a young bride only eight days wed. Her

husband had gone off to chase hares, and so he escaped being taken

with the other villagers. The houses were underground structures with

an aperture like the mouth of a well by which to enter, but they were

broad and spacious below. The entrance for the beasts of burden was

dug out, but the human occupants descended by a ladder. In these

dwellings were to be found goats and sheep and cattle, and cocks and

hens, with their various progeny. The flocks and herds were all reared

under cover upon green food. There were stores within of wheat and

barley and vegetables, and wine made from barley in great big bowls; 26

the grains of barley malt lay floating in the beverage up to the lip

of the vessel, and reeds lay in them, some longer, some shorter,

without joints; when you were thirsty you must take one of these into

your mouth, and suck. The beverage without admixture of water was very

strong, and of a delicious flavour to certain palates, but the taste

must be acquired.

Xenophon made the headman of the village his guest at supper, and bade

him keep a good heart; so far from robbing him of his children, they

would fill his house full of good things in return for what they took

before they went away; only he must set them an example, and discover

some blessing or other for the army, until they found themselves with

another tribe. To this he readily assented, and with the utmost

cordiality showed them the cellar where the wine was buried. For this

night then, having taken up their several quarters as described, they

slumbered in the midst of plenty, one and all, with the headman under

watch and ward, and his children with him safe in sight.

But on the following day Xenophon took the headman and set off to

Cheirisophus, making a round of the villages, and at each place

turning in to visit the different parties. Everywhere alike he found

them faring sumptuously and merry-making. There was not a single

village where they did not insist on setting a breakfast before them,

and on the same table were spread half a dozen dishes at least, lamb,

kid, pork, veal, fowls, with various sorts of bread, some of wheat and

some of barley. When, as an act of courtesy, any one wished to drink

his neighbour's health, he would drag him to the big bowl, and when

there, he must duck his head and take a long pull, drinking like an

ox. The headman, they insisted everywhere, must accept as a present

whatever he liked to have. But he would accept nothing, except where

he espied any of his relations, when he made a point of taking them

off, him or her, with himself.

When they reached Cheirisophus they found a similar scene. There too 33

the men were feasting in their quarters, garlanded with whisps of hay

and dry grass, and Armenian boys were playing the part of waiters in

barbaric costumes, only they had to point out by gesture to the boys

what they were to do, like deaf and dumb. After the first formalities,

when Cheirisophus and Xenophon had greeted one another like bosom

friends, they interrogated the headman in common by means of the

Persian-speaking interpreter. "What was the country?" they asked: he

replied, "Armenia." And again, "For whom are the horses being bred?"

"They are tribute for the king," he replied. "And the neighbouring

country?" "Is the land of the Chalybes," he said; and he described the

road which led to it. So for the present Xenophon went off, taking the

headman back with him to his household and friends. He also made him a

present of an oldish horse which he had got; he had heard that the

headman was a priest of the sun, and so he could fatten up the beast

and sacrifice him; otherwise he was afraid it might die outright, for

it had been injured by the long marching. For himself he took his pick

of the colts, and gave a colt apiece to each of his fellow-generals

and officers. The horses here were smaller than the Persian horses,

but much more spirited. It was here too that their friend the headman

explained to them, how they should wrap small bags or sacks around the

feet of the horses and other cattle when marching through the snow,

for without such precautions the creatures sank up to their bellies.

VI

When a week had passed, on the eighth day Xenophon delivered over the 1

guide (that is to say, the village headman) to Cheirisophus. He left

the headman's household safe behind in the village, with the exception

of his son, a lad in the bloom of youth. This boy was entrusted to

Episthenes of Amphipolis to guard; if the headman proved himself a

good guide, he was to take away his son also at his departure. They

finally made his house the repository of all the good things they

could contrive to get together; then they broke up their camp and

commenced to march, the headman guiding them through the snow

unfettered. When they had reached the third stage Cheirisophus flew 2

into a rage with him, because he had not brought them to any villages.

The headman pleaded that there were none in this part. Cheirisophus

struck him, but forgot to bind him, and the end of it was that the

headman ran away in the night and was gone, leaving his son behind

him. This was the sole ground of difference between Cheirisophus and

Xenophon during the march, this combination of ill-treatment and

neglect in the case of the guide. As to the boy, Episthenes conceived

a passion for him, and took him home with him, and found in him the

most faithful of friends.

After this they marched seven stages at the rate of five parasangs a

day, to the banks of the river Phasis (1), which is a hundred feet

broad: and thence they marched another couple of stages, ten

parasangs; but at the pass leading down into the plain there appeared

in front of them a mixed body of Chalybes and Taochians and

Phasianians. When Cheirisophus caught sight of the enemy on the pass

at a distance of about three or four miles, he ceased marching, not

caring to approach the enemy with his troops in column, and he passed

down the order to the others: to deploy their companies to the front,

that the troops might form into line. As soon as the rearguard had

come up, he assembled the generals and officers, and addressed them:

"The enemy, as you see, are in occupation of the mountain pass, it is

time we should consider how we are to make the best fight to win it.

My opinion is, that we should give orders to the troops to take their

morning meal, whilst we deliberate whether we should cross the

mountains to-day or to-morrow." "My opinion," said Cleanor, "is, that

as soon as we have breakfasted, we should arm for the fight and attack

the enemy, without loss of time, for if we fritter away to-day, the

enemy who are now content to look at us, will grow bolder, and with

their growing courage, depend upon it, others more numerous will join

them."

(1) Probably a tributary of the Araxes = modern Pasin-Su.

After him Xenophon spoke: "This," he said, "is how I see the matter;

if fight we must, let us make preparation to sell our lives dearly,

but if we desire to cross with the greatest ease, the point to

consider is, how we may get the fewest wounds and throw away the

smallest number of good men. Well then, that part of the mountain 11

which is visible stretches nearly seven miles. Where are the men

posted to intercept us? except at the road itself, they are nowhere to

be seen. It is much better to try if possible to steal a point of this

desert mountain unobserved, and before they know where we are, secure

the prize, than to fly at a strong position and an enemy thoroughly

prepared. Since it is much easier to march up a mountain without

fighting than to tramp along a level when assailants are at either

hand; and provided he has not to fight, a man will see what lies at

his feet much more plainly even at night than in broad daylight in the

midst of battle; and a rough road to feet that roam in peace may be

pleasanter than a smooth surface with the bullets whistling about your

ears (2). Nor is it so impossible, I take it, to steal a march, since

it is open to us to go by night, when we cannot be seen, and to fall

back so far that they will never notice us. In my opinion, however, if

we make a feint of attacking here, we shall find the mountain chain

all the more deserted elsewhere, since the enemy will be waiting for

us here in thicker swarm.

(2) Or, more lit., "with the head a mark for missiles."

"But what right have I to be drawing conclusions about stealing in

your presence, Cheirisophus? for you Lacedaemonians, as I have often

been told, you who belong to the 'peers,' practise stealing from your

boyhood up; and it is no disgrace but honourable rather to steal,

except such things as the law forbids; and in order, I presume, to

stimulate your sense of secretiveness, and to make you master thieves,

it is lawful for you further to get a whipping if you are caught. Now

then you have a fine opportunity of displaying your training. But take

care we are not caught stealing over the mountain, or we shall catch

it ourselves." "For all that," retorted Cheirisophus, "I have heard

that you Athenians are clever hands at stealing the public moneys; and

that too though there is a fearful risk for the person so employed;

but, I am told, it is your best men who are addicted to it; if it is

your best men who are thought worthy to rule. So it is a fine

opportunity for yourself also, Xenophon, to exhibit your education." 17

"And I," replied Xenophon, "am ready to take the rear division, as

soon as we have supped, and seize the mountain chain. I have already

got guides, for the light troops laid an ambuscade, and seized some of

the cut-purse vagabonds who hung on our rear. I am further informed by

them that the mountain is not inaccessible, but is grazed by goats and

cattle, so that if we can once get hold of any portion of it, there

will be no difficulty as regards our animals--they can cross. As to

the enemy, I expect they will not even wait for us any longer, when

they once see us on a level with themselves on the heights, for they

do not even at present care to come down and meet us on fair ground."

Cheirisophus answered: "But why should you go and leave your command

in the rear? Send others rather, unless a band of volunteers will

present themselves." Thereupon Aristonymus the Methydrian came forward

with some heavy infantry, and Nicomachus the Oetean with another body

of light troops, and they made an agreement to kindle several

watch-fires as soon as they held the heights. The arrangements made,

they breakfasted; and after breakfast Cheirisophus advanced the whole

army ten furlongs closer towards the enemy, so as to strengthen the

impression that he intended to attack them at that point.

But as soon as they had supped and night had fallen, the party under

orders set off and occupied the mountain, while the main body rested

where they were. Now as soon as the enemy perceived that the mountain

was taken, they banished all thought of sleep, and kept many

watch-fires blazing throughout the night. But at break of day

Cheirisophus offered sacrifice, and began advancing along the road,

while the detachment which held the mountain advanced pari passu by

the high ground. The larger mass of the enemy, on his side, remained

still on the mountain-pass, but a section of them turned to confront

the detachment on the heights. Before the main bodies had time to draw

together, the detachment on the height came to close quarters, and the

Hellenes were victorious and gave chase. Meanwhile the light division

of the Hellenes, issuing from the plain, were rapidly advancing

against the serried lines of the enemy, whilst Cheirisophus followed

up with his heavy infantry at quick march. But the enemy on the road 25

no sooner saw their higher division being worsted than they fled, and

some few of them were slain, and a vast number of wicker shields were

taken, which the Hellenes hacked to pieces with their short swords and

rendered useless. So when they had reached the summit of the pass,

they sacrificed and set up a trophy, and descending into the plain,

reached villages abounding in good things of every kind.

VII

After this they marched into the country of the Taochians five 1

stages--thirty parasangs--and provisions failed; for the Taochians

lived in strong places, into which they had carried up all their

stores. Now when the army arrived before one of these strong places--a

mere fortress, without city or houses, into which a motley

crowd of men and women and numerous flocks and herds were

gathered--Cheirisophus attacked at once. When the first regiment fell

back tired, a second advanced, and again a third, for it was

impossible to surround the place in full force, as it was encircled by

a river. Presently Xenophon came up with the rearguard, consisting of

both light and heavy infantry, whereupon Cheirisophus halted him with

the words: "In the nick of time you have come; we must take this

place, for the troops have no provisions, unless we take it."

Thereupon they consulted together, and to Xenophon's inquiry, "What it

was which hindered their simply walking in?" Cheirisophus replied,

"There is just this one narrow approach which you see, but when we

attempt to pass it by they roll down volleys of stones from yonder

overhanging crag," pointing up, "and this is the state in which you

find yourself, if you chance to be caught;" and he pointed to some

poor fellows with their legs or ribs crushed to bits. "But when they

have expended their ammunition," said Xenophon, "there is nothing

else, is there, to hinder our passing? Certainly, except yonder

handful of fellows, there is no one in front of us that we can see;

and of them, only two or three apparently are armed, and the distance

to be traversed under fire is, as your eyes will tell you, about one

hundred and fifty feet as near as can be, and of this space the first

hundred is thickly covered with great pines at intervals; under cover

of these, what harm can come to our men from a pelt of stones, flying 6

or rolling? So then, there is only fifty feet left to cross, during a

lull of stones." "Ay," said Cheirisophus, "but with our first attempt

to approach the bush a galling fire of stones commences." "The very

thing we want," said the other, "for they will use up their ammunition

all the quicker; but let us select a point from which we shall have

only a brief space to run across, if we can, and from which it will be

easier to get back, if we wish."

Thereupon Cheirisophus and Xenophon set out with Callimachus the

Parrhasian, the captain in command of the officers of the rearguard

that day; the rest of the captains remained out of danger. That done,

the next step was for a party of about seventy men to get away under

the trees, not in a body, but one by one, every one using his best

precaution; and Agasis the Stymphalian, and Aristonymous the

Methydrian, who were also officers of the rearguard, were posted as

supports outside the trees; for it was not possible for more than a

single company to stand safely within the trees. Here Callimachus hit

upon a pretty contrivance--he ran forward from the tree under which he

was posted two or three paces, and as soon as the stones came

whizzing, he retired easily, but at each excursion more than ten

wagon-loads of rocks were expended. Agasias, seeing how Callimachus

was amusing himself, and the whole army looking on as spectators, was

seized with the fear that he might miss his chance of being first to

run the gauntlet of the enemy's fire and get into the place. So,

without a word of summons to his neighbour, Aristonymous, or to

Eurylochus of Lusia, both comrades of his, or to any one else, off he

set on his own account, and passed the whole detachment. But

Callimachus, seeing him tearing past, caught hold of his shield by the

rim, and in the meantime Aristonymous the Methydrian ran past both,

and after him Eurylochus of Lusia; for they were one and all aspirants

to valour, and in that high pursuit, each was the eager rival of the

rest. So in this strife of honour, the three of them took the

fortress, and when they had once rushed in, not a stone more was

hurled from overhead.

And here a terrible spectacle displayed itself: the women first cast

their infants down the cliff, and then they cast themselves after 13

their fallen little ones, and the men likewise. In such a scene,

Aeneas the Stymphalian, an officer, caught sight of a man with a fine

dress about to throw himself over, and seized hold of him to stop him;

but the other caught him to his arms, and both were gone in an instant

headlong down the crags, and were killed. Out of this place the merest

handful of human beings were taken prisoners, but cattle and asses in

abundance and flocks of sheep.

From this place they marched through the Chalybes (1) seven stages,

fifty parasangs. These were the bravest men whom they encountered on

the whole march, coming cheerily to close quarters with them. They

wore linen cuirasses reaching to the groin, and instead of the

ordinary "wings" or basques, a thickly-plaited fringe of cords. They

were also provided with greaves and helmets, and at the girdle a short

sabre, about as long as the Laconian dagger, with which they cut the

throats of those they mastered, and after severing the head from the

trunk they would march along carrying it, singing and dancing, when

they drew within their enemy's field of view. They carried also a

spear fifteen cubits long, lanced at one end (2). This folk stayed in

regular townships, and whenever the Hellenes passed by they invariably

hung close on their heels fighting. They had dwelling-places in their

fortresses, and into them they had carried up their supplies, so that

the Hellenes could get nothing from this district, but supported

themselves on the flocks and herds they had taken from the Taochians.

After this the Hellenes reached the river Harpasus, which was four

hundred feet broad. Hence they marched through the Scythenians four

stages--twenty parasangs--through a long level country to more

villages, among which they halted three days, and got in supplies.

(1) These are the Armeno-Chalybes, so called by Pliny in

contradistinction to another mountain tribe in Pontus so named,

who were famous for their forging, and from whom steel received

its Greek name {khalups}. With these latter we shall make

acquaintance later on.

(2) I.e. with a single point or spike only, the Hellenic spear having

a spike at the butt end also.

Passing on from thence in four stages of twenty parasangs, they 19

reached a large and prosperous well-populated city, which went by the

name of Gymnias (3), from which the governor of the country sent them a

guide to lead them through a district hostile to his own. This guide

told them that within five days he would lead them to a place from

which they would see the sea, "and," he added, "if I fail of my word,

you are free to take my life." Accordingly he put himself at their

head; but he no sooner set foot in the country hostile to himself than

he fell to encouraging them to burn and harry the land; indeed his

exhortations were so earnest, it was plain that it was for this he had

come, and not out of the good-will he bore the Hellenes.

(3) Gymnias is supposed (by Grote, "Hist. of Greece," vol. ix. p. 161)

to be the same as that which is now called Gumisch-Kana--perhaps

"at no great distance from Baibut," Tozer, "Turkish Armenia," p.

432. Others have identified it with Erzeroum, others with Ispir.

On the fifth day they reached the mountain, the name of which was

Theches (4). No sooner had the men in front ascended it and caught

sight of the sea than a great cry arose, and Xenophon, in the

rearguard, catching the sound of it, conjectured that another set of

enemies must surely be attacking in front; for they were followed by

the inhabitants of the country, which was all aflame; indeed the

rearguard had killed some and captured others alive by laying an

ambuscade; they had taken also about twenty wicker shields, covered

with the raw hides of shaggy oxen.

(4) Some MSS. give "the sacred mountain." The height in question has

been identified with "the ridge called Tekieh-Dagh to the east of

Gumisch-Kana, nearer to the sea than that place" (Grote, ib. p.

162), but the exact place from which they caught sight of the sea

has not been identified as yet, and other mountain ranges have

been suggested.

But as the shout became louder and nearer, and those who from time to

time came up, began racing at the top of their speed towards the

shouters, and the shouting continually recommenced with yet greater

volume as the numbers increased, Xenophon settled in his mind that

something extraordinary must have happened, so he mounted his horse,

and taking with him Lycius and the cavalry, he galloped to the rescue.

Presently they could hear the soldiers shouting and passing on the

joyful word, "The sea! the sea!"

Thereupon they began running, rearguard and all, and the baggage 24

animals and horses came galloping up. But when they had reached the

summit, then indeed they fell to embracing one another--generals and

officers and all--and the tears trickled down their cheeks. And on a

sudden, some one, whoever it was, having passed down the order, the

soldiers began bringing stones and erecting a great cairn, whereon

they dedicated a host of untanned skins, and staves, and captured

wicker shields, and with his own hand the guide hacked the shields to

pieces, inviting the rest to follow his example. After this the

Hellenes dismissed the guide with a present raised from the common

store, to wit, a horse, a silver bowl, a Persian dress, and ten

darics; but what he most begged to have were their rings, and of these

he got several from the soldiers. So, after pointing out to them a

village where they would find quarters, and the road by which they

would proceed towards the land of the Macrones, as evening fell, he

turned his back upon them in the night and was gone.

VIII

From this point the Hellenes marched through the country of the 1

Macrones three stages--ten parasangs, and on the first day they

reached the river, which formed the boundary between the land of the

Macrones and the land of the Scythenians. Above them, on their right,

they had a country of the sternest and ruggedest character, and on

their left another river, into which the frontier river discharges

itself, and which they must cross. This was thickly fringed with trees

which, though not of any great bulk, were closely packed. As soon as

they came up to them, the Hellenes proceeded to cut them down in their

haste to get out of the place as soon as possible. But the Macrones,

armed with wicker shields and lances and hair tunics, were already

drawn up to receive them opposite the crossing. They were cheering one

another on, and kept up a steady pelt of stones into the river, though

they failed to reach the other side or do any harm.

At this juncture one of the light infantry came up to Xenophon; he had

been, he said, a slave at Athens, and he wished to tell him that he

recognised the speech of these people. "I think," said he, "that this

must be my native country, and if there is no objection I will have a

talk with them." "No objection at all," replied Xenophon, "pray talk 5

to them, and ask them first, who they are." In answer to this question

they said, "they were Macrones." "Well, then," said he, "ask them why

they are drawn up in battle and want to fight with us." They answered,

"Because you are invading our country." The generals bade him say: "If

so, it is with not intention certainly of doing it or you any harm:

but we have been at war with the king, and are now returning to

Hellas, and all we want is to reach the sea." The others asked, "Were

they willing to give them pledges to that effect?" They replied: "Yes,

they were ready to give and receive pledges to that effect." Then the

Macrones gave a barbaric lance to the Hellenes, and the Hellenes a

Hellenic lance to them: "for these," they said, "would serve as

pledges," and both sides called upon the gods to witness.

After the pledges were exchanged, the Macrones fell to vigorously

hewing down trees and constructing a road to help them across,

mingling freely with the Hellenes and fraternising in their midst, and

they afforded them as good as market as they could, and for three days

conducted them on their march, until they had brought them safely to

the confines of the Colchians. At this point they were confronted by a

great mountain chain, which however was accessible, and on it the

Colchians were drawn up for battle. In the first instance, the

Hellenes drew up opposite in line of battle, as though they were

minded to assault the hill in that order; but afterwards the generals

determined to hold a council of war, and consider how to make the

fairest fight.

Accordingly Xenophon said: "I am not for advancing in line, but advise

to form companies by columns. To begin with, the line," he urged,

"would be scattered and thrown into disorder at once; for we shall

find the mountain full of inequalities, it will be pathless here and

easy to traverse there. The mere fact of first having formed in line,

and then seeing the line thrown into disorder, must exercise a

disheartening effect. Again, if we advance several deep, the enemy

will none the less overlap us, and turn their superfluous numbers to

account as best they like; while, if we march in shallow order, we may

fully expect our line to be cut through and through by the thick rain 11

of missiles and rush of men, and if this happen anywhere along the

line, the whole line will equally suffer. No; my notion is to form

columns by companies, covering ground sufficient with spaces between

the companies to allow the last companies of each flank to be outside

the enemy's flanks. Thus we shall with our extreme companies be

outside the enemy's line, and the best men at the head of their

columns will lead the attack, and every company will pick its way

where the ground is easy; also it will be difficult for the enemy to

force his way into the intervening spaces, when there are companies on

both sides; nor will it be easy for him to cut in twain any individual

company marching in column. If, too, any particular company should be

pressed, the neighbouring company will come to the rescue, or if at

any point any single company succeed in reaching the height, from that

moment not one man of the enemy will stand his ground."

This proposal was carried, and they formed into columns by

companies (1). Then Xenophon, returning from the right wing to the

left, addressed the soldiers. "Men," he said, "these men whom you see

in front of you are the sole obstacles still interposed between us and

the haven of our hopes so long deferred. We will swallow them up

whole, without cooking (2), if we can."

(1) For this formation, see "The Retreat of the Ten Thousand; a

military study for all time," by Lieut.-General J. L. Vaughan,

C.B.

(2) Or, "we will gobble them up raw." He is thinking of the Homeric

line ("Iliad", iv. 35) "Perchance wert thou to enter within the

gates and long walls and devour Priam raw, and Priam's sons and

all the Trojans, then mightest thou assuage thine anger."--Leaf.

The several divisions fell into position, the companies were formed

into columns, and the result was a total of something like eighty

companies of heavy infantry, each company consisting on an average of

a hundred men. The light infantry and bowmen were arranged in three

divisions--two outside to support the left and the right respectively,

and the third in the centre--each division consisting of about six

hundred men (3).

(3) This suggests 1800 as the total of the peltasts, 8000 as the total

of the hoplites, but the companies were probably not limited to

100, and under "peltasts" were probably included other light

troops.

Before starting, the generals passed the order to offer prayer; and 16

with the prayer and battle hymn rising from their lips they commenced

their advance. Cheirisophus and Xenophon, and the light infantry with

them, advanced outside the enemy's line to right and left, and the

enemy, seeing their advance, made an effort to keep parallel and

confront them, but in order to do so, as he extended partly to right

and partly to left, he was pulled to pieces, and there was a large

space or hollow left in the centre of his line. Seeing them separate

thus, the light infantry attached to the Arcadian battalion, under

command of Aeschines, an Arcarnanian, mistook the movement for flight,

and with a loud shout rushed on, and these were the first to scale the

mountain summit; but they were closely followed up by the Arcadian

heavy infantry, under command of Cleanor of Orchomenus.

When they began running in that way, the enemy stood their ground no

longer, but betook themselves to flight, one in one direction, one in

another, and the Hellenes scaled the hill and found quarters in

numerous villages which contained supplies in abundance. Here,

generally speaking, there was nothing to excite their wonderment, but

the numbers of bee-hives were indeed astonishing, and so were certain

properties of the honey (4). The effect upon the soldiers who tasted

the combs was, that they all went for the nonce quite off their heads,

and suffered from vomiting and diarrhoea, with a total inability to

stand steady on their legs. A small dose produced a condition not

unlike violent drunkenness, a large one an attack very like a fit of

madness, and some dropped down, apparently at death's door. So they

lay, hundreds of them, as if there had been a great defeat, a prey to

the cruellest despondency. But the next day, none had died; and almost

at the same hour of the day at which they had eaten they recovered

their senses, and on the third or fourth day got on their legs again

like convalescents after a severe course of medical treatment.

(4) "Modern travellers attest the existence, in these regions, of

honey intoxicating and poisonous.... They point out the Azalea

Pontica as the flower from which the bees imbibe this peculiar

quality."--Grote, "Hist. of Greece," vol. ix. p. 155.

From this place they marched on two stages--seven parasangs--and 22

reached the sea at Trapezus (5), a populous Hellenic city on the Euxine

Sea, a colony of the Sinopeans, in the territory of the Colchians.

Here they halted about thirty days in the villages of the Colchians,

which they used as a base of operations to ravage the whole territory

of Colchis. The men of Trapezus supplied the army with a market,

entertained them, and gave them, as gifts of hospitality, oxen and

wheat and wine. Further, they negotiated with them in behalf of their

neighbours the Colchians, who dwelt in the plain for the most part,

and from this folk also came gifts of hospitality in the shape of

cattle. And now the Hellenes made preparation for the sacrifice which

they had vowed, and a sufficient number of cattle came in for them to

offer thank-offerings for safe guidance to Zeus the Saviour, and to

Heracles (6), and to the other gods, according to their vows. They

instituted also a gymnastic contest on the mountain side, just where

they were quartered, and chose Dracontius, a Spartan (who had been

banished from home when a lad, having unintentionally slain another

boy with a blow of his dagger), to superintend the course, and be

president of the games.

(5) Trebizond.

(6) Or, "to sacrifice to Zeus the Preserver, and to Heracles

thank-offerings for safe guidance," Heracles "the conductor"

having special sympathy with wanderers.

As soon as the sacrifices were over, they handed over the hides of the

beasts to Dracontius, and bade him lead the way to his racecourse. He

merely waved his hand and pointed to where they were standing, and

said, "There, this ridge is just the place for running, anywhere,

everywhere." "But how," it was asked, "will they manage to wrestle on

the hard scrubby ground?" "Oh! worse knocks for those who are thrown,"

the president replied. There was a mile race for boys, the majority

being captive lads; and for the long race more than sixty Cretans

competed; there was wrestling, boxing, and the pankration (7).

Altogether it was a beautiful spectacle. There was a large number of

entries, and the emulation, with their companions, male and female, 27

standing as spectators, was immense. There was horse-racing also; the

riders had to gallop down a steep incline to the sea, and then turn

and come up again to the altar, and on the descent more than half

rolled head over heels, and then back they came toiling up the

tremendous steep, scarcely out of a walking pace. Loud were the

shouts, the laughter, and the cheers.

(7) The pankration combined both wrestling and boxing.

BOOK V

(In the preceding portion of the narrative a detailed account

is given of all that the Hellenes did, and how they fared on

the march up with Cyrus; and also of all that befell them on

their march subsequently, until they reached the seaboard of

the Euxine Sea, or Pontus, and the Hellenic city of Trapezus,

where they duly offered the sacrifice for safe deliverance

which they had vowed to offer as soon as they set foot on a

friendly soil.)

I

After this they met and took counsel concerning the remainder of the 1

march. The first speaker was Antileon of Thurii. He rose and said:

"For my part, sirs, I am weary by this time of getting kit together

and packing up for a start, of walking and running and carrying heavy

arms, and of tramping along in line, or mounting guard, and doing

battle. The sole desire I now have is to cease from all these pains,

and for the future, since here we have the sea before us, to sail on

and on, 'stretched out in sleep,' like Odysseus, and so to find myself

in Hellas." When they heard these remarks, the soldiers showed their

approval with loud cries of "well said," and then another spoke to the

same effect, and then another, and indeed all present. Then

Cheirisophus got up and said: "I have a friend, sirs, who, as good hap

will have it, is now high admiral, Anaxibius. If you like to send me

to him, I think I can safely promise to return with some men-of-war

and other vessels which will carry us. All you have to do, if you are

really minded to go home by sea, is to wait here till I come. I will

be back ere long." The soldiers were delighted at these words, and 4

voted that Cheirisophus should set sail on his mission without delay.

After him, Xenophon got up, and spoke as follows: "Cheirisophus, it is

agreed, sets out in search of vessels, and we are going to await him.

Let me tell you what, in my opinion, it is reasonable to do while we

are waiting. First of all, we must provide ourselves with necessaries

from hostile territory, for there is not a sufficient market, nor, if

there were, have we, with a few solitary exceptions, the means of

purchase. Now, the district is hostile, so that if you set off in

search of provisions without care and precaution, the chances are that

many of us will be lost. To meet this risk, I propose that we should

organise foraging parties to capture provisions, and, for the rest,

not roam about the country at random. The organisation of the matter

should be left to us." (The resolution was passed.) "Please listen to

another proposal;" he continued: "Some of you, no doubt, will be going

out to pillage. It will be best, I think, that whoever does so should

in each case before starting inform us of his intent, and in what

direction he means to go, so that we may know the exact number of

those who are out and of those who stop behind. Thus we shall be able

to help in preparing and starting the expedition where necessary; and

in case of aid or reinforcements being called for, we shall know in

what direction to proceed; or, again, if the attempt is to be

undertaken by raw or less expert hands, we may throw in the weight of

our experience and advice by endeavouring to discover the strength of

those whom they design to attack." This proposal was also carried.

"Here is another point," he continued, "to which I would draw your

attention. Our enemies will not lack leisure to make raids upon us:

nor is it unnatural, that they should lay plots for us; for we have

appropriated what is theirs; they are seated over us ever on the

watch. I propose then that we should have regular outposts round the

camp. If we take it in succession to do picket and outlook duty, the

enemy will be less able to harry us. And here is another point for

your observation; supposing we knew for certain that Cheirisophus must

return with a sufficient number of vessels, there would be no need of 10

the remark, but as that is still problematical, I propose that we

should try to get together vessels on the spot also. If he comes and

finds us already provided for here, we shall have more ships than we

need, that is all; while, if he fails to bring them, we shall have the

local supply to fall back upon. I see ships sailing past perpetually,

so we have only to ask the loan of some war-ships from the men of

Trapezus, and we can bring them into port, and safeguard them with

their rudders unshipped, until we have enough to carry us. By this

course I think we shall not fail of finding the means of transport

requisite." That resolution was also passed. He proceeded: "Consider

whether you think it equitable to support by means of a general fund

the ships' companies which we so impress, while they wait here for our

benefit, and to agree upon a fare, on the principle of repaying

kindnesses in kind." That too was passed. "Well then," said he, "in

case, after all, our endeavours should not be crowned with success,

and we find that we have not vessels enough, I propose that we should

enjoin on the cities along the seaboard the duty of constructing and

putting in order the roads, which we hear are impassable. They will be

only too glad to obey, no doubt, out of mere terror and their desire

to be rid of us."

This last proposal was met by loud cries and protestations against the

idea of going by land at all. So, perceiving their infatuation, he did

not put the question to the vote, but eventually persuaded the cities

voluntarily to construct roads by the suggestion, "If you get your

roads in good order, we shall all the sooner be gone." They further

got a fifty-oared galley from the Trapezuntines, and gave the command

of it to Dexippus, a Laconian, one of the perioeci (1). This man

altogether neglected to collect vessels on the offing, but slunk off

himself, and vanished, ship and all, out of Pontus. Later on, however,

he paid the penalty of his misdeeds. He became involved in some

meddling and making in Thrace at the court of Seuthes, and was put to

death by the Laconian Nicander. They also got a thirty-oared galley,

the command of which was entrusted to Polycrates, an Athenian, and 16

that officer brought into harbour to the camp all the vessels he could

lay his hands on. If these were laden, they took out the freights and

appointed guards to keep an eye on their preservation, whilst they

used the ships themselves for transport service on the coast. While

matters stood at this point, the Hellenes used to make forays with

varying success; sometimes they captured prey and sometimes they

failed. On one occasion Cleanetus led his own and another company

against a strong position, and was killed himself, with many others of

his party.

(1) A native of the country parts of Laconia.

II

The time came when it was no longer possible to capture provisions, 1

going and returning to the camp in one day. In consequence of this,

Xenophon took some guides from the Trapezuntines and led half the army

out against the Drilae, leaving the other half to guard the camp. That

was necessary, since the Colchians, who had been ousted from their

houses, were assembled thickly, and sat eyeing them from the heights

above; on the other hand the Trapezuntines, being friendly to the

native inhabitants, were not for leading the Hellenes to places where

it was easy to capture provisions. But against the Drilae, from whom

they personally suffered, they would lead them with enthusiasm, up

into mountainous and scarcely accessible fortresses, and against the

most warlike people of any in the Pontus.

But when the Hellenes had reached the uplands, the Drilae set fire to

all their fastnesses which they thought could be taken easily, and

beat a retreat; and except here and there a stray pig or bullock or

other animal which had escaped the fire there was nothing to capture;

but there was one fastness which served as their metropolis: into this

the different streams of people collected; round it ran a tremendously

deep ravine, and the approaches to the place were difficult. So the

light infantry ran forward five or six furlongs in advance of the

heavy infantry, and crossed the ravine; and seeing quantities of sheep

and other things, proceeded to attack the place. Close at their heels

followed a number of those who had set out on the foray armed with

spears, so that the storming party across the ravine amounted to more

than two thousand. But, finding that they could not take the place by 5

a coup-de-main, as there was a trench running round it, mounded up

some breadth, with a stockade on the top of the earthwork and a

close-packed row of wooden bastions, they made an attempt to run back,

but the enemy fell upon them from the rear. To get away by a sudden

rush was out of the question, since the descent from the fortress into

the ravine only admitted of moving in single file. Under the

circumstances they sent to Xenophon, who was in command of the heavy

infantry. The messenger came and delivered his message: "There is a

fastness choke full of all sorts of stores, but we cannot take it, it

is too strong; nor can we easily get away; the enemy rush out and

deliver battle, and the return is difficult."

On hearing this, Xenophon pushed forward his heavy infantry to the

edge of the ravine, and there ordered them to take up a position,

while he himself with the officers crossed over to determine whether

it were better to withdraw the party already across, or to bring over

the heavy infantry also, on the supposition that the fortress might be

taken. In favour of the latter opinion it was agreed that the retreat

must cost many lives, and the officers were further disposed to think,

they could take the place. Xenophon consented, relying on the victims,

for the seers had announced, that there would be a battle, but that

the result of the expedition would be good. So he sent the officers to

bring the heavy troops across, while he himself remained, having drawn

off all the light infantry and forbidden all sharp-shooting at long

range. As soon as the heavy infantry had arrived, he ordered each

captain to form his company, in whatever way he hoped to make it most

effective in the coming struggle. Side by side together they stood,

these captains, not for the first time to-day competitors for the

award of manly virtue. While they were thus employed, he--the

general--was engaged in passing down his order along the ranks of the

light infantry and archers respectively to march with the javelin on

its thong and the arrow to the string, ready at the word "shoot" to

discharge their missiles, while the light troops were to have their

wallets well stocked with slingstones; lastly, he despatched his 12

adjutants to see to the proper carrying out of these orders.

And now the preparations were complete: the officers and lieutenants

and all others claiming to be peers of these, were drawn up in their

several places. With a glance each was able to command the rest in the

crescent-like disposition which the ground invited. Presently the

notes of the battle hymn arose, the clarion spoke, and with a

thrilling cry in honour of the warrior-god, commenced a rush of the

heavy infantry at full speed under cover of a storm of missiles,

lances, arrows, bullets, but most of all stones hurled from the hand

with ceaseless pelt, while there were some who brought firebrands to

bear. Overwhelmed by this crowd of missiles, the enemy left their

stockades and their bastion towers, which gave Agasias the Stymphalian

and Philoxenus of Pellene a chance not to be missed; laying aside

their heavy arms, up they went in bare tunics only, and one hauled

another up, and meantime another had mounted, and the place was taken,

as they thought. Then the peltasts and light troops rushed in and

began snatching what each man could. Xenophon the while, posted at the

gates, kept back as many of the hoplites as he could, for there were

other enemies now visible on certain strong citadel heights; and after

a lapse of no long time a shout arose within, and the men came running

back, some still clutching what they had seized; and presently here

and there a wounded man; and mighty was the jostling about the

portals. To the questions which were put to them the outpouring

fugitives repeated the same story: there was a citadel within and

enemies in crowds were making savage sallies and beating the fellows

inside.

At that Xenophon ordered Tolmides the herald to proclaim: "Enter all

who are minded to capture aught." In poured the surging multitude, and

the counter-current of persons elbowing their passage in prevailed

over the stream of those who issued forth, until they beat back and

cooped up the enemy within the citadel again. So outside the citadel

everything was sacked and pillaged by the Hellenes, and the heavy

infantry took up their position, some about the stockades, others 19

along the road leading up to the citadel. Xenophon and the officers

meantime considered the possibility of taking the citadel, for if so,

their safety was assured; but if otherwise, it would be very difficult

to get away. As the result of their deliberations they agreed that the

place was impregnable. Then they began making preparations for the

retreat. Each set of men proceeded to pull down the palisading which

faced themselves; further, they sent away all who were useless or who

had enough to do to carry their burdens, with the mass of the heavy

infantry accompanying them; the officers in each case leaving behind

men whom they could severally depend on.

But as soon as they began to retreat, out rushed upon them from within

a host of fellows, armed with wicker shields and lances, greaves and

Paphlagonian helmets. Others might be seen scaling the houses on this

side and that of the road leading into the citadel. Even pursuit in

the direction of the citadel was dangerous, since the enemy kept

hurling down on them great beams from above, so that to stop and to

make off were alike dangerous, and night approaching was full of

terrors. But in the midst of their fighting and their despair some god

gave them a means of safety. All of a sudden, by whatsoever hand

ignited, a flame shot up; it came from a house on the right hand, and

as this gradually fell in, the people from the other houses on the

right took to their heels and fled.

Xenophon, laying this lesson of fortune to heart, gave orders to set

fire to the left-hand houses also, which being of wood burned quickly,

with the result that the occupants of these also took to flight. The

men immediately at their front were the sole annoyance now, and these

were safe to fall upon them as they made their exit and in their

descent. Here then the word was passed for all who were out of range

to bring up logs of wood and pile them between themselves and the

enemy, and when there was enough of these they set them on fire; they

also fired the houses along the trench-work itself, so as to occupy

the attention of the enemy. Thus they got off, though with difficulty,

and escaped from the place by putting a fire between them and the 27

enemy; and the whole city was burnt down, houses, turrets, stockading,

and everything belonging to it except the citadel.

Next day the Hellenes were bent on getting back with the provisions;

but as they dreaded the descent to Trapezus, which was precipitous and

narrow, they laid a false ambuscade, and a Mysian, called after the

name of his nation (Mysus) (1), took ten of the Cretans and halted in

some thick brushy ground, where he made a feint of endeavouring to

escape the notice of the enemy. The glint of their light shields,

which were of brass, now and again gleamed through the brushwood. The

enemy, seeing it all through the thicket, were confirmed in their

fears of an ambuscade. But the army meanwhile was quietly making its

descent; and when it appeared that they had crept down far enough, the

signal was given to the Mysian to flee as fast as he could, and he,

springing up, fled with his men. The rest of the party, that is the

Cretans, saying, "We are caught if we race," left the road and plunged

into a wood, and tumbling and rolling down the gullies were saved. The

Mysian, fleeing along the road, kept crying for assistance, which they

sent him, and picked him up wounded. The party of rescue now beat a

retreat themselves with their face to the foe, exposed to a shower of

missiles, to which some of the Cretan bowmen responded with their

arrows. In this way they all reached the camp in safety.

(1) Lit. "{Musos} (Mysus), a Mysian by birth, and {Musos} (Mysus) by

name."

III

Now when Cheirisophus did not arrive, and the supply of ships was 1

insufficient, and to get provisions longer was impossible, they

resolved to depart. On board the vessels they embarked the sick, and

those above forty years of age, with the boys and women, and all the

baggage which the solders were not absolutely forced to take for their

own use. The two eldest generals, Philesius and Sophaenetus, were put

in charge, and so the party embarked, while the rest resumed their

march, for the road was now completely constructed. Continuing their

march that day and the next, on the third they reached Cerasus, a

Hellenic city on the sea, and a colony of Sinope, in the country of

the Colchians. Here they halted ten days, and there was a review and

numbering of the troops under arms, when there were found to be eight 3

thousand six hundred men. So many had escaped; the rest had perished

at the hands of the enemy, or by reason of the snow, or else disease.

At this time and place they divided the money accruing from the

captives sold, and a tithe selected for Apollo and Artemis of the

Ephesians was divided between the generals, each of whom took a

portion to guard for the gods, Neon the Asinaean (1) taking on behalf

of Cheirisophus.

(1) I.e. of Asine, perhaps the place named in Thuc. iv. 13, 54; vi. 93

situated on the western side of the Messenian bay. Strabo,

however, speaks of another Asine near Gytheum, but possibly means

Las. See Arnold's note to Thuc. iv. 13, and Smith's "Dict. Geog.

(s.v.)"

Out of the portion which fell to Xenophon he caused a dedicatory

offering to Apollo to be made and dedicated among the treasures of the

Athenians at Delphi (2). It was inscribed with his own name and that of

Proxenus, his friend, who was killed with Clearchus. The gift for

Artemis of the Ephesians was, in the first instance, left behind by

him in Asia at the time when he left that part of the world himself

with Agesilaus on the march into Boeotia (3). He left it behind in

charge of Megabyzus, the sacristan of the goddess, thinking that the

voyage on which he was starting was fraught with danger. In the event

of his coming out of it alive, he charged Megabyzus to restore to him

the deposit; but should any evil happen to him, then he was to cause

to be made and to dedicate on his behalf to Artemis, whatsoever thing

he thought would be pleasing to the goddess.

(2) Cf. Herod. i. 14; Strabo. ix. 420 for such private treasuries at

Delphi.

(3) I.e. in the year B.C. 394. The circumstances under which Agesilaus

was recalled from Asia, with the details of his march and the

battle of Coronea, are described by Xenophon in the fourth book of

the "Hellenica."

In the days of his banishment, when Xenophon was now established by

the Lacedaemonians as a colonist in Scillus (4), a place which lies on 7

the main road to Olympia, Megabyzus arrived on his way to Olympia as a

spectator to attend the games, and restored to him the deposit.

Xenophon took the money and bought for the goddess a plot of ground at

a point indicated to him by the oracle. The plot, it so happened, had

its own Selinus river flowing through it, just as at Ephesus the river

Selinus flows past the temple of Artemis, and in both streams fish and

mussels are to be found. On the estate at Scillus there is hunting and

shooting of all the beasts of the chase that are.

(4) Scillus, a town of Triphylia, a district of Elis. In B.C. 572 the

Eleians had razed Pisa and Scillus to the ground. But between B.C.

392 and 387 the Lacedaemonians, having previously (B.C. 400,

"Hell." III. ii. 30) compelled the Eleians to renounce their

supremacy over their dependent cities, colonised Scillus and

eventually gave it to Xenophon, then an exile from Athens.

Xenophon resided here from fifteen to twenty years, but was, it is

said, expelled from it by the Eleians soon after the battle of

Leuctra, in B.C. 371.--"Dict. Geog. (s.v.)" The site of the place,

and of Xenophon's temple, is supposed to be in the neighbourhood

of the modern village of Chrestena, or possibly nearer Mazi. To

reach Olympia, about 2 1/2 miles distant, one must cross the

Alpheus.

Here with the sacred money he built an altar and a temple, and ever

after, year by year, tithed the fruits of the land in their season and

did sacrifice to the goddess, while all the citizens and neighbours,

men and women, shared in the festival. The goddess herself provided

for the banqueters meat and loaves and wine and sweetmeats, with

portions of the victims sacrificed from the sacred pasture, as also of

those which were slain in the chase; for Xenophon's own lads, with the

lads of the other citizens, always made a hunting excursion against

the festival day, in which any grown men who liked might join. The

game was captured partly from the sacred district itself, partly from

Pholoe (5), pigs and gazelles and stags. The place lies on the direct

road from Lacedaemon to Olympia, about twenty furlongs from the temple

of Zeus in Olympia, and within the sacred enclosure there is

meadow-land and wood-covered hills, suited to the breeding of pigs and

goats and cattle and horses, so that even the sumpter animals of the

pilgrims passing to the feast fare sumptuously. The shrine is girdled

by a grove of cultivated trees, yielding dessert fruits in their

season. The temple itself is a facsimile on a small scale of the great

temple at Ephesus, and the image of the goddess is like the golden

statue at Ephesus, save only that it is made, not of gold, but of

cypress wood. Beside the temple stands a column bearing this

inscription:--THE PLACE IS SACRED TO ARTEMIS. HE WHO HOLDS IT AND

ENJOYS THE FRUITS OF IT IS BOUND TO SACRIFICE YEARLY A TITHE OF THE 13

PRODUCE. AND FROM THE RESIDUE THEREOF TO KEEP IN REPAIR THE SHRINE. IF

ANY MAN FAIL IN AUGHT OF THIS THE GODDESS HERSELF WILL LOOK TO IT THAT

THE MATTER SHALL NOT SLEEP.

(5) Pholoe. This mountain (north of the Alpheus) is an offshoot of

Erymanthus, crossing the Pisatis from east to west, and separating

the waters of the Peneus and the Ladon from those of the Alpheus

--"Dict. Geog." (Elis).

IV

From Cerasus they continued the march, the same portion of the troops 1

being conveyed by sea as before, and the rest marching by land. When

they had reached the frontiers of the Mossynoecians (1) they sent to

him Timesitheus the Trapezuntine, who was the proxenos (2) of the

Mossynoecians, to inquire whether they were to pass through their

territory as friends or foes. They, trusting in their strongholds,

replied that they would not give them passage. It was then that

Timesitheus informed them that the Mossynoecians on the farther side

of the country were hostile to these members of the tribe; and it was

resolved to invite the former to make an alliance, if they wished it.

So Timesitheus was sent, and came back with their chiefs. On their

arrival there was a conference of the Mossynoecian chiefs and the

generals of the Hellenes, and Xenophon made a speech which Timesitheus

interpreted. He said: "Men of the Mossynoecians, our desire is to

reach Hellas in safety; and since we have no vessels we must needs go

by foot, but these people who, as we hear, are your enemies, prevent

us. Will you take us for your allies? Now is your chance to exact

vengeance for any wrong, which they at any time may have put upon you,

and for the future they will be your subjects; but if you send us

about our business, consider and ask yourselves from what quarter will

you ever again obtain so strong a force to help you?" To this the

chief of the Mossynoecians made answer:--that the proposal was in

accordance with their wishes and they welcomed the alliance. "Good,"

said Xenophon, "but to what use do you propose to put us, if we become

your allies? And what will you in turn be able to do to assist our

passage?" They replied: "We can make an incursion into this country

hostile to yourselves and us, from the opposite side, and also send 10

you ships and men to this place, who will aid you in fighting and

conduct you on the road."

(1) I.e. dwellers in mossyns, or wooden towers. See Herod. iii. 94;

vii. 78. Cf. also Strabo, xi. 41.

(2) Or, "consul."

On this understanding, they exchanged pledges and were gone. The next

day they returned, bringing three hundred canoes, each hollowed out of

a single trunk. There were three men in each, two of whom disembarked

and fell into rank, whilst the third remained. Then the one set took

the boats and sailed back again, whilst the other two-thirds who

remained marshalled themselves in the following way. They stood in

rows of about a hundred each, like the rows of dancers in a chorus,

standing vis-a-vis to one another, and all bearing wicker shields,

made of white oxhide, shaggy, and shaped like an ivy leaf; in the

right hand they brandished a javelin about six cubits long, with a

lance in front, and rounded like a ball at the butt end of the shaft.

Their bodies were clad in short frocks, scarcely reaching to the knees

and in texture closely resembling that of a linen bedclothes' bag; on

their heads they wore leathern helmets just like the Paphlagonian

helmet, with a tuft of hair in the middle, as like a tiara in shape as

possible. They carried moreover iron battle-axes. Then one of them

gave, as it were, the key-note and started, while the rest, taking up

the strain and the step, followed singing and marking time. Passing

through the various corps and heavy armed battalions of the Hellenes,

they marched straight against the enemy, to what appeared the most

assailable of his fortresses. It was situated in front of the city, or

mother city, as it is called, which latter contains the high citadel

of the Mossynoecians. This citadel was the real bone of contention,

the occupants at any time being acknowledged as the masters of all the

other Mossynoecians. The present holders (so it was explained) had no

right to its possession; for the sake of self-aggrandisement they had

seized what was really common property.

Some of the Hellenes followed the attacking party, not under the

orders of the generals, but for the sake of plunder. As they advanced,

the enemy for a while kept quiet; but as they got near the place, they 16

made a sortie and routed them, killing several of the barbarians as

well as some of the Hellenes who had gone up with them; and so pursued

them until they saw the Hellenes advancing to the rescue. Then they

turned round and made off, first cutting off the heads of the dead men

and flaunting them in the face of the Hellenes and of their own

private foes, dancing the while and singing in a measured strain. But

the Hellenes were much vexed to think that their foes had only been

rendered bolder, while the Hellenes who had formed part of the

expedition had turned tail and fled, in spite of their numbers; a

thing which had not happened previously during the whole expedition.

So Xenophon called a meeting of the Hellenes and spoke as follows:

"Soldiers, do not in any wise be cast down by what has happened, be

sure that good no less than evil will be the result; for to begin

with, you now know certainly that those who are going to guide us are

in very deed hostile to those with whom necessity drives us to

quarrel; and, in the next place, some of our own body, these Hellenes

who have made so light of orderly array and conjoint action with

ourselves, as though they must needs achieve in the company of

barbarians all they could with ourselves, have paid the penalty and

been taught a lesson, so that another time they will be less prone to

leave our ranks. But you must be prepared to show these friendly

barbarians that you are of a better sort, and prove to the enemy that

battle with the undisciplined is one thing, but with men like

yourselves another."

Accordingly they halted, as they were, that day. Next day they

sacrificed and finding the victims favourable, they breakfasted,

formed the companies into columns, and with their barbarians arranged

in similar order on their left, began their march. Between the

companies were the archers only slightly retired behind the front of

the heavy infantry, on account of the enemy's active light troops, who

ran down and kept up volleys of stones. These were held in check by

the archers and peltasts; and steadily step by step the mass marched

on, first to the position from which the barbarians and those with

them had been driven two days back, and where the enemy were now drawn 23

up to meet them. Thus it came to pass that the barbarians first

grappled with the peltasts and maintained the battle until the heavy

infantry were close, when they turned and fled. The peltasts followed

without delay, and pursued them right up to their city, while the

heavy troops in unbroken order followed. As soon as they were up at

the houses of the capital, there and then the enemy, collecting all

together in one strong body, fought valiantly, and hurled their

javelins, or else clenched their long stout spears, almost too heavy

for a man to wield, and did their best to ward off the attack at close

quarters.

But when the Hellenes, instead of giving way, kept massing together

more thickly, the barbarians fled from this place also, and in a body

deserted the fortress. Their king, who sat in his wooden tower or

mossyn, built on the citadel (there he sits and there they maintain

him, all at the common cost, and guard him narrowly), refused to come

forth, as did also those in the fortress first taken, and so were

burnt to a cinder where they were, their mossyns, themselves, and all.

The Hellenes, pillaging and ransacking these places, discovered in the

different houses treasures and magazines of loaves, pile upon pile,

"the ancestral stores," as the Mossynoecians told them; but the new

corn was laid up apart with the straw-stalk and ear together, and this

was for the most part spelt. Slices of dolphin were another discovery,

in narrow-necked jars, all properly salted and pickled; and there was

blubber of dolphin in vessels, which the Mossynoecians used precisely

as the Hellenes use oil. Then there were large stores of nuts on the

upper floor, the broad kind without a division (3). This was also a

chief article of food with them--boiled nuts and baked loaves. Wine

was also discovered. This, from its rough, dry quality, tasted sharp

when drunk pure, but mixed with water was sweet and fragrant.

(3) I.e. "chestnuts."

The Hellenes breakfasted and then started forward on their march,

having first delivered the stronghold to their allies among the

Mossynoecians. As for the other strongholds belonging to tribes allied

with their foes, which they passed en route, the most accessible were

either deserted by their inhabitants or gave in their adhesion 30

voluntarily. The following description will apply to the majority of

them: the cities were on an average ten miles apart, some more, some

less; but so elevated is the country and intersected by such deep

clefts that if they chose to shout across to one another, their cries

would be heard from one city to another. When, in the course of their

march, they came upon a friendly population, these would entertain

them with exhibitions of fatted children belonging to the wealthy

classes, fed up on boiled chestnuts until they were as white as white

can be, of skin plump and delicate, and very nearly as broad as they

were long, with their backs variegated and their breasts tattooed with

patterns of all sorts of flowers. They sought after the women in the

Hellenic army, and would fain have laid with them openly in broad

daylight, for that was their custom. The whole community, male and

female alike, were fair-complexioned and white-skinned.

It was agreed that this was the most barbaric and outlandish people

that they had passed through on the whole expedition, and the furthest

removed from the Hellenic customs, doing in a crowd precisely what

other people would prefer to do in solitude, and when alone behaving

exactly as others would behave in company, talking to themselves and

laughing at their own expense, standing still and then again capering

about, wherever they might chance to be, without rhyme or reason, as

if their sole business were to show off to the rest of the world.

V

Through this country, friendly or hostile as the chance might be, the 1

Hellenes marched, eight stages in all, and reached the Chalybes. These

were a people few in number, and subject to the Mossynoecians. Their

livelihood was for the most part derived from mining and forging iron.

Thence they came to the Tibarenians. The country of the Tibarenians

was far more level, and their fortresses lay on the seaboard and were

less strong, whether by art or nature. The generals wanted to attack

these places, so that the army might get some pickings, and they would

not accept the gifts of hospitality which came in from the 2

Tibarenians, but bidding them wait till they had taken counsel, they

proceeded to offer sacrifice. After several abortive attempts, the

seers at last pronounced an opinion that the gods in no wise

countenanced war. Then they accepted the gifts of hospitality, and

marching through what was now recognised as a friendly country, in two

days reached Cotyora, a Hellenic city, and a colony of Sinope, albeit

situated in the territory of the Tibarenians (1).

(1) The MSS. here read, "Up to this point the expedition was conducted

on land, and the distance traversed on foot from the battle-field

near Babylon down to Cotyora amounted to one hundred and

twenty-two stages--that is to say, six hundred and twenty

parasangs, or eighteen thousand stades, or if measured in time, an

eight months' march." The words are probably the note of some

editor or commentator, though it is quite likely that the author

himself may have gone through such calculations and even have

inserted them as a note to his text.

Here they halted forty-five days, during which they first of all

sacrificed to the gods, and instituted processions, each set of the

Hellenes according to their several tribes, with gymnastic contests.

Provisions they got in meanwhile, partly from Paphlagonia, partly from

the estates of the Cotyorites, for the latter would neither provide

them a market nor receive their sick within their walls.

Meanwhile ambassadors arrived from Sinope, full of fears, not only for

the Cotyorites and their city, which belonged to Sinope, and brought

in tribute, but also for the territory which, as they had heard, was

being pillaged. Accordingly they came to the camp and made a speech.

Hecatonymus, who was reported to be a clever orator, acted as their

spokesman: "Soldiers," he said, "the city of the Sinopeans has sent us

to offer you, as Hellenes, our compliments and congratulations on your

victories over the barbarians; and next, to express our joyful

satisfaction that you have surmounted all those terrible sufferings of

which we have heard, and have reached this place in safety. As

Hellenes we claim to receive at your hands, as fellow-Hellenes,

kindness and not harm. We have certainly not ourselves set you an

example heretofore of evil treatment. Now the Cotyorites are our

colonists. It was we who gave them this country to dwell in, having 10

taken it from the barbarians; for which reason also they, with the men

of Cerasus and Trapezus, pay us an appointed tribute. So that,

whatever mischief you inflict on the men of Cotyora, the city of

Sinope takes as personal to herself. At the present time we hear that

you have made forcible entry into their city, some of you, and are

quartered in the houses, besides taking forcibly from the Cotyorite

estates whatever you need, by hook and by crook. Now against these

things we enter protest. If you mean to go on so doing, you will drive

us to make friends with Corylas and the Paphlagonians, or any one else

we can find."

To meet these charges Xenophon, on behalf of the soldiers, rose and

said: "As to ourselves, men of Sinope, having got so far, we are well

content to have saved our bodies and our arms. Indeed it was

impossible at one and the same moment to keep our enemies at bay and

to despoil them of their goods and chattels. And now, since we have

reached Hellenic cities, how has it fared with us? At Trapezus they

gave us a market, and we paid for our provisions at a fair market

price. In return for the honour they did us, and the gifts of

hospitality they gave the army, we requited them with honour. Where

the barbarian was friendly to them, we stayed our hands from injury;

or under their escort, we did damage to their enemies to the utmost of

our power. Ask them, what sort of people they found us. They are here,

some of them, to answer for themselves. Their fellow-citizens and the

state of Trapezus, for friendship's sake, have sent them with us to

act as our guides.

"But wherever we come, be it foreign or Hellenic soil, and find no

market for provisions, we are wont to help ourselves, not out of

insolence but from necessity. There have been tribes like the

Carduchians, the Taochians, the Chaldaeans, which, albeit they were

not subject to the great king, yet were no less formidable than

independent. These we had to bring over by our arms. The necessity of

getting provisions forced us; since they refused to offer us a market.

Whereas some other folk, like the Macrones, in spite of their being

barbarians, we regarded as our friends, simply because they did

provide us with the best market in their power, and we took no single 18

thing of theirs by force. But, to come to these Cotyorites, whom you

claim to be your people, if we have taken aught from them, they have

themselves to blame, for they did not deal with us as friends, but

shut their gates in our faces. They would neither welcome us within

nor furnish us with a market without. The only justification they

alleged was that your governor (2) had authorised this conduct.

(2) Lit. "harmost". The term, denoting properly a governor of the

islands and foreign cities sent out by the Lacedaemonians during

their supremacy, came, it would seem, to be adopted by other Greek

communities under somewhat similar circumstances. Cotyora receives

a harmost from her mother-city, Sinope. For the Greek colonies

here mentioned, see Kiepert's "Man. Anct. Geog." (Engl. tr., Mr.

G. A. Macmillan), p. 63.

"As to your assertion," he continued, turning to Hecatonymus, "that we

have got in by force and have taken up quarters, this is what we did.

We requested them to receive our sick and wounded under cover; and

when they refused to open their gates, we walked in where the place

itself invited us. All the violence we have committed amounts to this,

that our sick folk are quartered under cover, paying for their

expenses, and we keep a sentry at the gates, so that our sick and

wounded may not lie at the mercy of your governor, but we may have it

in our power to remove them whenever we like. The rest of us, you

observe, are camping under the canopy of heaven, in regular rank and

file, and we are ready to requite kindness with kindness, but to repel

evil vigorously. And as for your threat," he said, once again turning

to the spokesman, "that you will, if it suits you, make alliance with

Corylas and the Paphlagonians to attack us, for our part, we have no

objection to fighting both sets of you, if so be we must; we have

already fought others many times more numerous than you. Besides, 'if

it suits us,' as you put it, to make the Paphlagonian our friend

(report says that he has a hankering after your city and some other

places on the seaboard), we can enhance the value of our friendship by

helping to win for him what he covets."

Thereupon the ambassadors showed very plainly their annoyance with

Hecatonymus, on account of the style of his remarks, and one of them

stept forward to explain that their intention in coming was not at all

to raise a war, but on the contrary to demonstrate their friendliness. 24

"And if you come to Sinope itself," the speaker continued, "we will

welcome you there with gifts of hospitality. Meanwhile we will enjoin

upon the citizens of this place to give you what they can; for we can

see that every word of what you say is true." Thereupon the Cotyorites

sent gifts of hospitality, and the generals of the Hellenes

entertained the ambassadors of the Sinopeans. Many and friendly were

the topics of conversation; freely flowed the talk on things in

general; and, in particular, both parties were able to make inquiries

and satisfy their curiosity concerning the remaining portion of the

march.

VI

Such was the conclusion of that day. On the following day the generals 1

summoned an assembly of the soldiers, when it was resolved to invite

the men of Sinope, and to take advice with them touching the remainder

of the journey. In the event of their having to continue it on foot,

the Sinopeans through their acquaintance with Paphlagonia would be

useful to them; while, if they had to go by sea, the services of the

same people would be at a premium; for who but they could furnish

ships sufficient for the army? Accordingly, they summoned their

ambassadors, and took counsel with them, begging them, on the strength

of the sacred ties which bind Hellenes to Hellenes, to inaugurate the

good reception they had spoken of, by present kindliness and their

best advice.

Hecatonymus rose and wished at once to offer an apology with regard to

what he had said about the possibility of making friends with the

Paphlagonians. "The words were not intended," he said, "to convey a

threat, as though they were minded to go to war with the Hellenes, but

as meaning rather: albeit we have it in our power to be friendly with

the barbarians, we will choose the Hellenes." Then, being urged to aid

them by some advice, with a pious ejaculation, he commenced: "If I

bestow upon you the best counsel I am able, God grant that blessings

in abundance may descend on me; but if the contrary, may evil betide 4

me! 'Sacred counsel (1),' as the saying goes--well, sirs, if ever the

saying held, it should hold I think to-day; when, if I be proved to

have given you good counsel, I shall not lack panegyrists, or if evil,

your imprecations will be many-tongued.

(1) Cf. Plato, "Theages," 122.

"As to trouble, I am quite aware, we shall have much more trouble if

you are conveyed by sea, for we must provide the vessels; whereas, if

you go by land, all the fighting will evolve on you. Still, let come

what may, it behoves me to state my views. I have an intimate

acquaintance with the country of the Paphlagonians and their power.

The country possesses the two features of hill and vale, that is to

say, the fairest plains and the highest mountains. To begin with the

mountains, I know the exact point at which you must make your entry.

It is precisely where the horns of a mountain tower over both sides of

the road. Let the merest handful of men occupy these and they can hold

the pass with ease; for when that is done not all the enemies in the

world could effect a passage. I could point out the whole with my

finger, if you like to send any one with me to the scene.

"So much for the mountain barrier. But the next thing I know is that

there are plains and a cavalry which the barbarians themselves hold to

be superior to the entire cavalry of the great king. Why, only the

other day these people refused to present themselves to the summons of

the king; their chief is too proud for that.

"But now, supposing you were able to seize the mountain barrier, by

stealth, or expedition, before the enemy could stop you; supposing

further, you were able to win an engagement in the plain against not

only their cavalry but their more than one hundred and twenty thousand

infantry--you will only find yourself face to face with rivers, a

series of them. First the Thermodon, three hundred feet broad, which I

take it will be difficult to pass, especially with a host of foes in

front and another following behind. Next comes the Iris river, three

hundred feet broad; and thirdly, the Halys, at least two furlongs

broad, which you could not possibly cross without vessels, and who is

going to supply you with vessels? In the same way too the Parthenius 9

is impassable, which you will reach if you cross the Halys. For my

part, then, I consider the land-journey, I will not say difficult, but

absolutely impossible for you. Whereas if you go by sea, you can coast

along from here to Sinope, and from Sinope to Heraclea. From Heraclea

onwards there is no difficulty, whether by land or by sea; for there

are plenty of vessels at Heraclea."

After he had finished his remarks, some of his hearers thought they

detected a certain bias in them. He would not have spoken so, but for

his friendship with Corylas, whose official representative he was.

Others guessed he had an itching palm, and that he was hoping to

receive a present for his "sacred advice." Others again suspected that

his object was to prevent their going by foot and doing some mischief

to the country of the Sinopeans. However that might be, the Hellenes

voted in favour of continuing the journey by sea. After this Xenophon

said: "Sinopeans, the army has chosen that method of procedure which

you advise, and thus the matter stands. If there are sure to be

vessels enough to make it impossible for a single man to be left

behind, go by sea we will; but if part of us are to be left while part

go by sea, we will not set foot on board the vessels. One fact we

plainly recognise, strength is everything to us. So long as we have

the mastery, we shall be able to protect ourselves and get provisions;

but if we are once caught at the mercy of our foes, it is plain, we

shall be reduced to slavery." On hearing this the ambassadors bade

them send an embassy, which they did, to wit, Callimachus the

Arcadian, and Ariston the Athenian, and Samolas the Achaean.

So these set off, but meanwhile a thought shaped itself in the mind of

Xenophon, as there before his eyes lay that vast army of Hellene

hoplites, and that other array of peltasts, archers, and slingers,

with cavalry to boot, and all in a state of thorough efficiency from

long practice, hardened veterans, and all collected in Pontus, where

to raise so large a force would cost a mint of money. Then the idea

dawned upon him: how noble an opportunity to acquire new territory and 15

power for Hellas, by the founding of a colony--a city of no mean size,

moreover, said he to himself, as he reckoned up their own numbers--and

besides themselves a population planted on the shores of Pontus.

Thereupon he summoned Silanus the Ambraciot, the soothsayer of Cyrus

above mentioned, and before breathing a syllable to any of the

soldiers, he consulted the victims by sacrifice.

But Silanus, in apprehension lest these ideas might embody themselves,

and the army be permanently halted at some point or other, set a tale

going among the men, to the effect that Xenophon was minded to detain

the army and found a city in order to win himself a name and acquire

power, Silanus himself being minded to reach Hellas with all possible

speed, for the simple reason that he had still got the three thousand

darics presented to him by Cyrus on the occasion of the sacrifice when

he hit the truth so happily about the ten days. Silanus's story was

variously received, some few of the soldiers thinking it would be an

excellent thing to stay in that country; but the majority were

strongly averse. The next incident was that Timasion the Dardanian,

with Thorax the Boeotian, addressed themselves to some Heracleot and

Sinopean traders who had come to Cotyora, and told them that if they

did not find means to furnish the army with pay sufficient to keep

them in provisions on the homeward voyage, all that great force would

most likely settle down permanently in Pontus. "Xenophon has a pet

idea," they continued, "which he urges upon us. We are to wait until

the ships come, and then we are suddenly to turn round to the army and

say: 'Soldiers, we now see the straits we are in, unable to keep

ourselves in provisions on the return voyage, or to make our friends

at home a little present at the end of our journey. But if you like to

select some place on the inhabited seaboard of the Black Sea which may

take your fancy and there put in, this is open to you to do. Those who

like to go home, go; those who care to stay here, stay. You have got 20

vessels now, so that you can make a sudden pounce upon any point you

choose.'"

The merchants went off with this tale and reported it to every city

they came to in turn, nor did they go alone, but Timasion the

Dardanian sent a fellow-citizen of his own, Eurymachus, with the

Boeotian Thorax, to repeat the same story. So when it reached the ears

of the men of Sinope and the Heracleots, they sent to Timasion and

pressed him to accept of a gratuity, in return for which he was to

arrange for the departure of the troops. Timasion was only too glad to

hear this, and he took the opportunity when the soldiers were convened

in meeting to make the following remarks: "Soldiers," he said, "do not

set your thoughts on staying here; let Hellas, and Hellas only, be the

object of your affection, for I am told that certain persons have been

sacrificing on this very question, without saying a word to you. Now I

can promise you, if you once leave these waters, to furnish you with

regular monthly pay, dating from the first of the month, at the rate

of one cyzicene (2) a head per month. I will bring you to the Troad,

from which part I am an exile, and my own state is at your service.

They will receive me with open arms. I will be your guide personally,

and I will take you to places where you will get plenty of money. I

know every corner of the Aeolid, and Phrygia, and the Troad, and

indeed the whole satrapy of Pharnabazus, partly because it is my

birthplace, partly from campaigns in that region with Clearchus and

Dercylidas (3)."

(2) A cyzicene stater = twenty-eight silver drachmae of Attic money

B.C. 335, in the time of Demosthenes; but, like the daric, this

gold coin would fluctuate in value relatively to silver. It

contained more grains of gold than the daric.

(3) Of Dercylidas we hear more in the "Hellenica." In B.C. 411 he was

harmost at Abydos; in B.C. 399 he superseded Thimbron in Asia

Minor; and was himself superseded by Agesilaus in B.C. 396.

No sooner had he ceased than up got Thorax the Boeotian. This was a

man who had a standing battle with Xenophon about the generalship of

the army. What he said was that, if they once got fairly out of the

Euxine, there was the Chersonese, a beautiful and prosperous country,

where they could settle or not, as they chose. Those who liked could

stay; and those who liked could return to their homes; how ridiculous 25

then, when there was so much territory in Hellas and to spare, to be

poking about (4) in the land of the barbarian. "But until you find

yourselves there," he added, "I, no less than Timasion, can guarantee

you regular pay." This he said, knowing what promises had been made

Timasion by the men of Heraclea and Sinope to induce them to set sail.

(4) The word {masteuein} occurs above, and again below, and in other

writings of our author. It is probably Ionic or old Attic, and

occurs in poetry.

Meanwhile Xenophon held his peace. Then up got Philesius and Lycon,

two Achaeans: "It was monstrous," they said, "that Xenophon should be

privately persuading people to stop there, and consulting the victims

for that end, without letting the army into the secret, or breathing a

syllable in public about the matter." When it came to this, Xenophon

was forced to get up, and speak as follows: "Sirs, you are well aware

that my habit is to sacrifice at all times; whether in your own behalf

or my own, I strive in every thought, word, and deed to be directed as

is best for yourselves and for me. And in the present instance my sole

object was to learn whether it were better even so much as to broach

the subject, and so take action, or to have absolutely nothing to do

with the project. Now Silanus the soothsayer assured me by his answer

of what was the main point: 'the victims were favourable.' No doubt

Silanus knew that I was not unversed myself in his lore, as I have so

often assisted at the sacrifice; but he added that there were symptoms

in the victims of some guile or conspiracy against me. That was a

happy discovery on his part, seeing that he was himself conspiring at

the moment to traduce me before you; since it was he who set the tale

going that I had actually made up my mind to carry out these projects

without procuring your consent. Now, for my part, if I saw that you 30

were in any difficulties, I should set myself to discover how you

might capture a city, on the understanding of course that all who

wished might sail away at once, leaving those who did not wish, to

follow at a later date, with something perhaps in their pockets to

benefit their friends at home. Now, however, as I see that the men of

Heraclea and Sinope are to send you ships to assist you to sail away,

and more than one person guarantees to give you regular monthly pay,

it is, I admit, a rare chance to be safely piloted to the haven of our

hopes, and at the same time to receive pay for our preservation. For

myself I have done with that dream, and to those, who came to me to

urge these projects, my advice is to have done with them. In fact,

this is my view. As long as you stay together united as to-day, you

will command respect and procure provisions; for might certainly

exercises a right over what belongs to the weaker. But once broken up,

with your force split into bits, you will neither be able to get

subsistence, nor indeed will you get off without paying dearly for it.

In fact, my resolution coincides precisely with yours. It is that we

should set off for Hellas, and if any one stops behind, or is caught

deserting before the whole army is in safety, let him be judged as an

evil-doer. Pray let all who are in favour of this proposition hold up

their hands."

They all held them up; only Silanus began shouting and vainly striving

to maintain the right of departure for all who liked to depart. But

the soldiers would not suffer him, threatening him that if he were

himself caught attempting to run away they would inflict the aforesaid

penalty. After this, when the Heracleots learned that the departure by

sea was resolved upon, and that the measure itself emanated from

Xenophon, they sent the vessels indeed; but as to the money which they

had promised to Timasion and Thorax as pay for the soldiers, they were

not as good as their word, in fact they cheated them both. Thus the

two who had guaranteed regular monthly pay were utterly confounded,

and stood in terror of the soldiers. What they did then, was to take

to them the other generals to whom they had communicated their former

transactions (that is to say, all except Neon the Asniaean, who, as

lieutenant-general, was acting for Cheirisophus during his continued

absence). This done they came in a body to Xenophon and said that 36

their views were changed. As they had now got the ships, they thought

it best to sail to the Phasis, and seize the territory of the Phasians

(whose present king was a descendant of Aeetes (5)). Xenophon's reply

was curt:--Not one syllable would he have to say himself to the army

in this matter, "But," he added, "if you like, you can summon an

assembly and have your say." Thereupon Timasion the Dardanian set

forth as his opinion:--It were best to hold no parliament at present,

but first to go and conciliate, each of them, his own officers. Thus

they went away and proceeded to execute their plans.

(5) Aeetes is the patronym of the kings of Colchis from mythical times

onwards; e.g. Medea was the daughter of Aeetes.

VII

Presently the soldiers came to learn what was in course of agitation, 1

and Neon gave out that Xenophon had persuaded the other generals to

adopt his views, and had a plan to cheat the soldiers and take them

back to the Phasis. The soldiers were highly indignant; meetings were

held; little groups gathered ominously; and there seemed an alarming

probability that they would repeat the violence with which they had

lately treated the heralds of the Colchians and the clerks of the

market; when all who did not save themselves by jumping into the sea

were stoned to death. So Xenophon, seeing what a storm was brewing,

resolved to anticipate matters so far as to summon a meeting of the

men without delay, and thus prevent their collecting of their own

accord, and he ordered the herald to announce an assembly. The voice

of the herald was no sooner heard than they rushed with great

readiness to the place of meeting. Then Xenophon, without accusing the

generals of having come to him, made the following speech: "I hear

that a charge is brought against me. It is I apparently who am going

to cheat you and carry you off to Phasis. I beg you by all that is

holy to listen to me; and if there be found any guilt in me, let me

not leave this place till I have paid the penalty of my misdoing; but

if my accusers are found guilty, treat them as they deserve. I

presume, sirs, you know where the sun rises and where he sets, and

that he who would go to Hellas must needs journey towards the sunset;

whereas he who seeks the land of the barbarian must contrariwise fix 6

his face towards the dawn. Now is that a point in which a man might

hope to cheat you? Could any one make you believe that the sun rises

here and sets there, or that he sets here and rises there? And

doubtless you know this too, that it is Boreas, the north wind, who

bears the mariner out of Pontus towards Hellas, and the south wind

inwards towards the Phasis, whence the saying--

"'When the North wind doth blow

Home to Hellas we will go (1).'

(1) Whether this was a local saying or a proverb I cannot say. The

words have a poetical ring about them: "When Borrhas blows, fair

voyages to Hellas."

"He would be a clever fellow who could befool you into embarking with

a south wind blowing. That sounds all very well, you think, only I may

get you on board during a calm. Granted, but I shall be on board my

one ship, and you on board another hundred at least, and how am I to

constrain you to voyage with me against your will, or by what cajolery

shall I carry you off? But I will imagine you so far befooled and

bewitched by me, that I have got you to the Phasis; we proceed to

disembark on dry land. At last it will come out, that wherever you

are, you are not in Hellas, and the inventor of the trick will be one

sole man, and you who have been caught by it will number something

like ten thousand with swords in your hands. I do not know how a man

could better ensure his own punishment than by embarking on such a

policy with regards to himself and you.

"Nay, these tales are the invention of silly fellows who are jealous

of the honour you bestow on me. A most uncalled-for jealousy! Do I

hinder any of them from speaking any word of import in his power? of

striking a blow in your behalf and his own, if that is his choice? or,

finally, of keeping his eyes and ears open to secure your safety? What

is it? In your choice of leaders do I stand in the way of any one, is

that it? Let him step forward, I yield him place; he shall be your

general; only he must prove that he has your good at heart.

"For myself, I have done; but for yourselves, if any of you conceive 11

either that he himself could be the victim of a fraud, or that he

could victimise any one else in such a thing as this, let him open his

lips and explain to us how. Take your time, but when you have sifted

the matter to your hearts' content, do not go away without suffering

me to tell you of something which I see looming. If it should burst

upon us and prove in fact anything like what it gives signs of being

now, it is time for us to take counsel for ourselves and see that we

do not prove ourselves to be the worst and basest of men in the sight

of gods and men, be they friends or be they foes." The words moved the

curiosity of the soldiers. They marvelled what this matter might be,

and bade him explain. Thereupon he began again: "You will not have

forgotten certain places in the hills--barbaric fastnesses, but

friendly to the Cerasuntines--from which people used to come down and

sell us large cattle and other things which they possessed, and if I

mistake not, some of you went to the nearest of these places and made

purchases in the market and came back again. Clearetus the captain

learnt of this place, that it was but a little one and unguarded. Why

should it be guarded since it was friendly? so the folk thought. Thus

he stole upon it in the dead of night, and meant to sack it without

saying a word to any of us. His design was, if he took the place, not

to return again to the army, but to mount a vessel which, with his

messmates on board her, was sailing past at the time, and stowing away

what he had seized, to set sail and begone beyond the Euxine. All this

had been agreed upon and arranged with his comrades on board the

vessel, as I now discover. Accordingly, he summoned to his side all

whom he could persuade, and set off at their head against the little

place. But dawn overtook him on his march. The men collected out of

their strongholds, and whether from a distance or close quarters, made

such a fight that they killed Clearetus and a good many of the rest,

and only a few of them got safe back to Cerasus.

"These things took place on the day on which we started to come hither

on foot; while some of those who were to go by sea were still at

Cerasus, not having as yet weighed anchor. After this, according to 17

what the Cerasuntines state, there arrived three inhabitants of the

place which had been attacked; three elderly men, seeking an interview

with our public assembly. Not finding us, they addressed themselves to

the men of Cerasus, and told them, they were astonished that we should

have thought it right to attack them; however, when, as the

Cerasuntines assert, they had assured them that the occurrence was not

authorised by public consent, they were pleased, and proposed to sail

here, not only to state to us what had occurred, but to offer that

those who were interested should take up and bury the bodies of the

slain.

"But among the Hellenes still at Cerasus were some of those who had

escaped. They found out in which direction the barbarians were minded

to go, and not only had the face themselves to pelt them with stones,

but vociferously encouraged their neighbours to do the same. The three

men--ambassadors, mark you--were slain, stoned to death. After this

occurrence, the men of Cerasus came to us and reported the affair, and

we generals, on being informed, were annoyed at what had taken place,

and took counsel with the Cerasuntines how the dead bodies of the

Hellenes might be buried. While seated in conclave outside the camp,

we suddenly were aware of a great hubbub. We heard cries: 'Cut them

down!' 'Shoot them!' 'Stone them!' and presently we caught sight of a

mass of people racing towards us with stones in their hands, and

others picking them up. The Cerasuntines, naturally enough,

considering the incident they had lately witnessed, retired in terror

to their vessels, and, upon my word, some of us did not feel too

comfortable. All I could do was to go to them and inquire what it all

meant. Some of them had not the slightest notion, although they had

stones in their hands, but chancing on some one who was better

informed, I was told by him that 'the clerks of the market were

treating the army most scandalously.' Just then some one got sight of

the market clerk, Zelarchus, making his way off towards the sea, and

lifted up his voice aloud, and the rest responding to the cry as if a 24

wild boar or a stag had been started, they rushed upon him.

"The Cerasuntines, seeing a rush in their direction, thought that,

without a doubt, it was directed against themselves, and fled with all

speed and threw themselves into the sea, in which proceeding they were

imitated by some few of our own men, and all who did not know how to

swim were drowned. But now, what do you think of their case, these men

of Cerasus? They had done no wrong. They were simply afraid that some

madness had seized us, like that to which dogs are liable.

"I say then, if proceedings like this are to be the order of the day,

you had better consider what the ultimate condition of the army is

like to be. As a body you will not have it in your power to undertake

war against whom you like, or to conclude peace. But in private any

one who chooses will conduct the army on any quest which takes his

fancy. And when ambassadors come to you to demand peace, or whatever

it may be, officious people will put them to death and prevent your

hearing the proposals which brought them to you. The next step will be

that those whom you as a body may choose as generals will be of no

account; but any one who likes to elect himself general, and will

adopt the formula 'Shoot him! shoot him!' will be competent to cut

down whomsoever he pleases untried, be it general or private soldier,

if only he have sufficient followers, as was the case just now. But

just consider what these self-appointed generals have achieved for

you. Zelarchus, the clerk of the market, may possibly have done you a

wrong; if so, he has sailed off and is gone without paying you any

penalty; or he may be guiltless, in which case we have driven him from

the army in terror of perishing unjustly without a trial. While those

who stoned the ambassadors have contrived so cleverly that we alone of

all Hellenes cannot approach Cerasus safely without a strong force,

and the corpses which the very men who slew them themselves invited us

to bury, we cannot now pick up with safety even under a flag of truce.

Who indeed would care to carry a flag of truce, or go as a herald with 30

the blood of heralds upon his hands? All we could do was to implore

the Cerasuntines to bury them.

"If then you approve of such doings, have a resolution passed to that

effect, so that, with a prospect of like occurrences in the future, a

man may privately set up a guard and do his best to fix his tent where

he can find a strong position with a commanding site. If, however,

these seem to you to be the deeds rather of wild beasts than of human

beings, bethink you of some means by which to stay them; or else, in

heaven's name, how shall we do sacrifice to the gods gladly, with

impious deeds to answer for? or how shall we, who lay the knife to

each other's throats, give battle to our enemies? What friendly city

will receive us when they see rampant lawlessness in our midst? Who

will have the courage to afford us a market, when we prove our

worthlessness in these weightiest concerns? and what becomes of the

praise we expect to win from the mouths of men? who will vouchsafe it

to us, if this is our behaviour? Should we not ourselves bestow the

worst of names on the perpetrators of like deeds?"

After this they rose, and, as one man, proposed that the ringleaders

in these matters should be punished; and that for the future, to set

an example of lawlessness should be forbidden. Every such ringleader

was to be prosecuted on the capital charge; the generals were to bring

all offenders to the bar of justice; prosecutions for all other

misdemeanours committed since the death of Cyrus were to be

instituted; and they ended by constituting the officers into a board

of dicasts (2); and upon the strong representation of Xenophon, with

the concurrence of the soothsayers, it was resolved to purify the

army, and this purification was made.

(2) I.e. a board of judges or jurors.

VIII

It was further resolved that the generals themselves should undergo a 1

judicial examination in reference to their conduct in past time. In

course of investigation, Philesius and Xanthicles respectively were

condemned to pay a sum of twenty minae, to meet a deficiency to that

amount incurred during the guardianship of the cargoes of the

merchantmen. Sophaenetus was fined ten minae for inadequate performance

of his duty as one of the chief officers selected. Against Xenophon a

charge was brought by certain people, who asserted that they had been

beaten by him, and framed the indictment as one of personal outrage

with violence (1). Xenophon got up and demanded that the first speaker

should state "where and when it was he had received these blows." The

other, so challenged, answered, "When we were perishing of cold and

there was a great depth of snow." Xenophon said: "Upon my word, with

weather such as you describe, when our provisions had run out, when

the wine could not even be smelt, when numbers were dropping down dead

beat, so acute was the suffering, with the enemy close on our heels;

certainly, if at such a season as that I was guilty of outrage, I

plead guilty to being a more outrageous brute than the ass, which is

too wanton, they say, to feel fatigue. Still, I wish you would tell

us," said he, "what led to my striking you. Did I ask you for

something and, on your refusing it to me, did I proceed to beat you?

Was it a debt, for which I demanded payment? or a quarrel about some

boy or other? Was I the worse for liquor, and behaving like a

drunkard?" When the man met each of these questions with a negative,

he questioned him further: "Are you a heavy infantry soldier?" "No,"

said he. "A peltast, then?" "No, nor yet a peltast"; but he had been

ordered by his messmates to drive a mule, although he was a free man. 5

Then at last he recognised him, and inquired: "Are you the fellow who

carried home the sick man?" "Yes, I am," said he, "thanks to your

driving; and you made havoc of my messmates' kit." "Havoc!" said

Xenophon: "Nay, I distributed it; some to one man, some to another to

carry, and bade them bring the things safely to me; and when I got

them back I delivered them all safely to you, and you, on your side,

had rendered an account to me of the man. Let me tell you," he

continued, turning to the court, "what the circumstances were; it is

worth hearing:--

(1) See the "Dict. of Antiq." 622 a. HYBREOS GRAPHE. In the case of

common assaults as opposed to indecent assault, the prosecution

seems to have been allowable only when the object of a wanton

attack was a free person. Cf. Arist. "Rhet." ii. 24.

"A man was left behind from inability to proceed farther; I recognised

the poor fellow sufficiently to see that he was one of ours, and I

forced you, sir, to carry him to save his life. For if I am not much

mistaken, the enemy were close at our heels?" The fellow assented to

this. "Well then," said Xenophon, "after I had sent you forward, I

overtook you again, as I came up with the rearguard; you were digging

a trench with intent to bury the man; I pulled up and said something

in commendation; as we stood by the poor fellow twitched his leg, and

the bystanders all cried out, 'Why, the man's alive!' Your remark was:

'Alive or not as he likes, I am not going to carry him' Then I struck

you. Yes! you are right, for it looked very much as if you knew him to

be alive." "Well," said he, "was he any the less dead when I reported

him to you?" "Nay," retorted Xenophon, "by the same token we shall all

one day be dead, but that is no reason why meantime we should all be

buried alive?" Then there was a general shout: "If Xenophon had given

the fellow a few more blows, it might have been better." The others

were now called upon to state the grounds on which they had been

beaten in each case; but when they refused to get up, he proceeded to

state them himself.

"I confess, sirs, to having struck certain men for failure in

discipline. These were men who were quite content to owe their safety

to us. Whilst the rest of the world marched on in rank and did

whatever fighting had to be done, they preferred to leave the ranks,

and rush forward to loot and enrich themselves at our expense. Now, if 13

this conduct were to be the rule, general ruin would be the result. I

do not deny that I have given blows to this man or the other who

played the poltroon and refused to get up, helplessly abandoning

himself to the enemy; and so I forced them to march on. For once in

the severe wintry weather I myself happened to sit down for a long

time, whilst waiting for a party who were getting their kit together,

and I discovered how difficult it was to get up again and stretch

one's legs. After this personal experience, whenever I saw any one

else seated in slack and lazy mood, I tried to spur him on. The mere

movement and effort to play the man caused warmth and moisture,

whereas it was plain that sitting down and keeping quiet helped the

blood to freeze and the toes to mortify, calamities which really

befell several of the men, as you yourselves are aware.

"I can imagine a third case, that of some straggler stopping behind,

merely to rest for rest's sake, and hindering you in front and us

behind alike from pressing on the march. If he got a blow with the

fist from me it saved him a thrust with the lance from the enemy. In

fact, the opportunity they enjoy to-day of taking vengeance on me for

any treatment which I put upon them wrongfully, is derived from their

salvation then; whereas, if they had fallen into the enemy's hands,

let them ask themselves for what outrage, however great, they could

expect to get satisfaction now. My defence," he continued, "is simple:

if I chastised any one for his own good, I claim to suffer the same

penalties as parents pay their children or masters their boys. Does

not the surgeon also cauterise and cut us for our good? But if you

really believe that these acts are the outcome of wanton insolence, I

beg you to observe that although to-day, thank God! I am heartier than

formerly, I wear a bolder front now than then, and I drink more wine,

yet I never strike a soul; no, for I see that you have reached smooth

water. When storm arises, and a great sea strikes the vessel

amidships, a mere shake of the head will make the look-out man furious

with the crew in the forecastle, or the helmsman with the men in the

stern sheets, for at such a crisis even a slight slip may ruin

everything. But I appeal to your own verdict, already recorded, in 21

proof that I was justified in striking these men. You stood by, sirs,

with swords, not voting tablets, in your hands, and it was in your

power to aid the fellows if you liked; but, to speak the honest truth,

you neither aided them nor did you join me in striking the disorderly.

In other words, you enabled any evilly-disposed person among them to

give rein to his wantonness by your passivity. For if you will be at

pains to investigate, you will find that those who were then most

cowardly are the ringleaders to-day in brutality and outrage.

"There is Boiscus the boxer, a Thessalian, what a battle he fought

then to escape carrying his shield! so tired was he, and to-day I am

told he has stripped several citizens of Cotyora of the clothes on

their backs. If then you are wise, you will treat this personage in a

way the contrary to that in which men treat dogs. A savage dog is tied

up on the day and loosed at night, but if you are wise you will tie

this fellow up at night and only let him loose in the day.

"But really," he added, "it does surprise me with what keenness you

remember and recount the times when I incurred the hatred of some one;

but some other occasions when I eased the burden of winter and storm

for any of you, or beat off an enemy, or helped to minister to you in

sickness and want, not a soul of you remembers these. Or when for any

noble deed done by any of you I praised the doer, and according to my

ability did honour to this brave man or that; these things have

slipped from your memories, and are clean forgotten. Yet it were

surely more noble, just, and holy, sweeter and kindlier to treasure

the memory of good rather than of evil."

He ended, and then one after another of the assembly got up and began

recalling incidents of the kind suggested, and things ended not so

unpleasantly after all.

BOOK VI

I

After this, whilst waiting, they lived partly on supplies from the 1

market, partly on the fruit of raids into Paphlagonia. The

Paphlagonians, on their side, showed much skill in kidnapping

stragglers, wherever they could lay hands on them, and in the night

time tried to do mischief to those whose quarters were at a distance

from the camp. The result was that their relations to one another were

exceedingly hostile, so much so that Corylas, who was the chief of

Paphlagonia at that date, sent ambassadors to the Hellenes, bearing

horses and fine apparel, and charged with a proposal on the part of

Corylas to make terms with the Hellenes on the principle of mutual

forbearance from injuries. The generals replied that they would

consult with the army about the matter. Meanwhile they gave them a

hospitable reception, to which they invited certain members of the

army whose claims were obvious. They sacrificed some of the captive

cattle and other sacrificial beasts, and with these they furnished

forth a sufficiently festal entertainment, and reclining on their

truckle beds, fell to eating and drinking out of beakers made of horn

which they happened to find in the country.

But as soon as the libation was ended and they had sung the hymn, up

got first some Thracians, who performed a dance under arms to the

sound of a pipe, leaping high into the air with much nimbleness, and

brandishing their swords, till at last one man struck his fellow, and

every one thought he was really wounded, so skilfully and artistically 6

did he fall, and the Paphlagonians screamed out. Then he that gave the

blow stripped the other of his arms, and marched off chanting the

"Sitalcas (1)," whilst others of the Thracians bore off the other, who

lay as if dead, though he had not received even a scratch.

(1) I.e. the national Thracian hymn; for Sitalcas the king, a national

hero, see Thuc. ii. 29.

After this some Aenianians (2) and Magnesians got up and fell to

dancing the Carpaea, as it is called, under arms. This was the manner

of the dance: one man lays aside his arms and proceeds to drive a yoke

of oxen, and while he drives he sows, turning him about frequently, as

though he were afraid of something; up comes a cattle-lifter, and no

sooner does the ploughman catch sight of him afar, than he snatches up

his arms and confronts him. They fight in front of his team, and all

in rhythm to the sound of the pipe. At last the robber binds the

countryman and drives off the team. Or sometimes the cattle-driver

binds the robber, and then he puts him under the yoke beside the oxen,

with his two hands tied behind his back, and off he drives.

(2) The Aenianians, an Aeolian people inhabiting the upper valley of

the Sperchius (the ancient Phthia); their capital was Hypata.

These men belonged to the army collected by Menon, the Thessalian.

So, doubtless, did the Magnesians, another Aeolian tribe occupying

the mountainous coast district on the east of Thessaly. See

Kiepert's "Man. Anct. Geog." (Macmillan's tr.), chap. vi.. 161,

170.

After this a Mysian came in with a light shield in either hand and

danced, at one time going through a pantomime, as if he were dealing

with two assailants at once; at another plying his shields as if to

face a single foe, and then again he would whirl about and throw

somersaults, keeping the shields in his hands, so that it was a

beautiful spectacle. Last of all he danced the Persian dance, clashing

the shields together, crouching down on one knee and springing up

again from earth; and all this he did in measured time to the sound of

the flute. After him the Mantineans stepped upon the stage, and some

other Arcadians also stood up; they had accoutred themselves in all

their warlike finery. They marched with measured tread, pipes playing,

to the tune of the 'warrior's march (3)'; the notes of the paean rose, 11

lightly their limbs moved in dance, as in solemn procession to the

holy gods. The Paphlagonians looked upon it as something truly strange

that all these dances should be under arms; and the Mysians, seeing

their astonishment persuaded one of the Arcadians who had got a

dancing girl to let him introduce her, which he did after dressing her

up magnificently and giving her a light shield. When, lithe of limb,

she danced the Pyrrhic (4), loud clapping followed; and the

Paphlagonians asked, "If these women fought by their side in battle?"

to which they answered, "To be sure, it was the women who routed the

great King, and drove him out of camp." So ended the night.

(3) See Plato, "Rep." 400 B, for this "war measure"; also Aristoph.

"Clouds," 653.

(4) For this famous dance, supposed to be of Doric (Cretan or Spartan)

origin, see Smith's "Dict. of Antiquities," "Saltatio"; also Guhl

and Koner, "The Life of the Greeks and Romans," Eng. tr.

But next day the generals introduced the embassy to the army, and the

soldiers passed a resolution in the sense proposed: between themselves

and the Paphlagonians there was to be a mutual abstinence from

injuries. After this the ambassadors went on their way, and the

Hellenes, as soon as it was thought that sufficient vessels had

arrived, went on board ship, and voyaged a day and a night with a fair

breeze, keeping Paphlagonia on their left. And on the following day,

arriving at Sinope, they came to moorings in the harbour of Harmene,

near Sinope (5). The Sinopeans, though inhabitants of Paphlagonia, are

really colonists of the Milesians. They sent gifts of hospitality to

the Hellenes, three thousand measures of barley with fifteen hundred

jars of wine. At this place Cheirisophus rejoined them with a

man-of-war. The soldiers certainly expected that, having come, he

would have brought them something, but he brought them nothing, except

complimentary phrases, on the part of Anaxibius, the high admiral, and

the rest, who sent them their congratulations, coupled with a promise

on the part of Anaxibius that, as soon as they were outside the

Euxine, pay would be forthcoming.

(5) Harmene, a port of Sinope, between four and five miles (fifty

stades) west of that important city, itself a port town. See

Smith, "Dict. Geog.," "Sinope"; and Kiepert, op. cit. chap. iv.

60.

At Harmene the army halted five days; and now that they seemed to be 17

so close to Hellas, the question how they were to reach home not

empty-handed presented itself more forcibly to their minds than

heretofore. The conclusion they came to was to appoint a single

general, since one man would be better able to handle the troops, by

night or by day, than was possible while the generalship was divided.

If secrecy were desirable, it would be easier to keep matters dark, or

if again expedition were an object, there would be less risk of

arriving a day too late, since mutual explanations would be avoided,

and whatever approved itself to the single judgement would at once be

carried into effect, whereas previously the generals had done

everything in obedience to the opinion of the majority.

With these ideas working in their minds, they turned to Xenophon, and

the officers came to him and told him that this was how the soldiers

viewed matters; and each of them, displaying a warmth of kindly

feeling, pressed him to accept the office. Xenophon partly would have

liked to do so, in the belief that by so doing he would win to himself

a higher repute in the esteem of his friends, and that his name would

be reported to the city written large; and by some stroke of fortune

he might even be the discoverer of some blessing to the army

collectively.

These and the like considerations elated him; he had a strong desire

to hold the supreme command. But then again, as he turned the matter

over, the conviction deepened in his mind that the issue of the future

is to every man uncertain; and hence there was the risk of perhaps

losing such reputation has he had already acquired. He was in sore

straights, and, not knowing how to decide, it seemed best to him to

lay the matter before heaven. Accordingly, he led two victims to the

altar and made sacrifice to Zeus the King, for it was he and no other

who had been named by the oracle at Delphi, and his belief was that

the vision which he had beheld when he first essayed to undertake the

joint administration of the army was sent to him by that god. He also

recalled to mind a circumstance which befell him still earlier, when 23

setting out from Ephesus to associate himself with Cyrus (6);--how an

eagle screamed on his right hand from the east, and still remained

perched, and the soothsayer who was escorting him said that it was a

great and royal omen (7); indicating glory and yet suffering; for the

punier race of birds only attack the eagle when seated. "Yet," added

he, "it bodes not gain in money; for the eagle seizes his food, not

when seated, but on the wing."

(6) Cf. "Cyrop." II. i. 1; an eagle appears to Cyrus on the frontiers

of Persia, when about to join his uncle Cyaxares, king of Media,

on his expedition against the Assyrian.

(7) It is important to note that the Greek word {oionos}, a solitary

or lone-flying bird, also means an omen. "It was a mighty bird and

a mighty omen."

Thus Xenophon sacrificed, and the god as plainly as might be gave him

a sign, neither to demand the generalship, nor, if chosen, to accept

the office. And that was how the matter stood when the army met, and

the proposal to elect a single leader was unanimous. After this

resolution was passed, they proposed Xenophon for election, and when

it seemed quite evident that they would elect him, if he put the

question to the vote, he got up and spoke as follows:--

"Sirs, I am but mortal, and must needs be happy to be honoured by you.

I thank you, and am grateful, and my prayer is that the gods may grant

me to be an instrument of blessing to you. Still, when I consider it

closer, thus, in the presence of a Lacedaemonian, to be preferred by

you as general, seems to me but ill conducive either to your interests

or to mine, since you will the less readily obtain from them hereafter

anything you may need, while for myself I look upon acceptance as even

somewhat dangerous. Do I not see and know with what persistence these

Lacedaemonians prosecuted the war till finally they forced our State

to acknowledge the leadership of Lacedaemon? This confession once

extorted from their antagonists, they ceased warring at once, and the

siege of the city was at an end. If, with these facts before my eyes,

I seem to be doing all I can to neutralise their high self-esteem, I

cannot escape the reflection that personally I may be taught wisdom by

a painful process. But with your own idea that under a single general

there will be less factiousness than when there were many, be assured 29

that in choosing some other than me you will not find me factious. I

hold that whosoever sets up factious opposition to his leader

factiously opposes his own safety. While if you determine to choose

me, I should not be surprised were that choice to entail upon you and

me the resentment of other people."

After those remarks on Xenophon's part, many more got up, one after

another, insisting on the propriety of his undertaking the command.

One of them, Agasias the Stymphalian, said: It was really ridiculous,

if things had come to this pass that the Lacedeamonians are to fly

into a rage because a number of friends have met together to dinner,

and omitted to choose a Lacedaemonian to sit at the head of the table.

"Really, if that is how matters stand," said he, "I do not see what

right we have to be officers even, we who are only Arcadians." That

sally brought down the plaudits of the assembly; and Xenophon, seeing

that something more was needed, stepped forward again and spoke,

"Pardon, sirs," he said, "let me make a clean breast of it. I swear to

you by all the gods and goddesses; verily and indeed, I no sooner

perceived your purpose, than I consulted the victims, whether it was

better for you to entrust this leadership to me, and for me to

undertake it, or the reverse. And the gods vouchsafed a sign to me so

plain that even a common man might understand it, and perceive that

from such sovereignty I must needs hold myself aloof."

Under these circumstances they chose Cheirisophus, who, after his

election, stepped forward and said: "Nay, sirs, be well assured of

this, that had you chosen some one else, I for my part should not have

set up factious opposition. As to Xenophon, I believe you have done

him a good turn by not appointing him; for even now Dexippus has gone

some way in traducing him to Anaxibius, as far as it lay in his power

to do so, and that, in spite of my attempts to silence him. What he

said was that he believed Xenophon would rather share the command of

Clearchus's army with Timasion, a Dardanian, than with himself, a

Laconian. But," continued Cheirisophus, "since your choice has fallen 33

upon me, I will make it my endeavour to do you all the good in my

power; so make your preparations to weigh anchor to-morrow; wind and

weather permitting, we will voyage to Heraclea; every one must

endeavour, therefore, to put in at that port; and for the rest we will

consult, when we are come thither."

II

The next day they weighed anchor and set sail from Harmene with a fair 1

breeze, two days' voyage along the coast. (As they coasted along they

came in sight of Jason's beach (1), where, as the story says, the ship

Argo came to moorings; and then the mouths of the rivers, first the

Thermodon, then the Iris, then the Halys, and next to it the

Parthenius.) Coasting past (the latter), they reached Heraclea (2), a

Hellenic city and a colony of the Megarians, situated in the territory

of the Mariandynians. So they came to anchorage off the Acherusian

Chersonese, where Heracles (3) is said to have descended to bring up

the dog Cerberus, at a point where they still show the marks of his

descent, a deep cleft more than two furlongs down. Here the Heracleots

sent the Hellenes, as gifts of hospitality, three thousand measures of

barley and two thousand jars of wine, twenty beeves and one hundred

sheep. Through the flat country here flows the Lycus river, as it is

called, about two hundred feet in breadth.

(1) I have left this passage in the text, although it involves, at

first sight, a topographical error on the part of whoever wrote

it, and Hug and other commentators regard it as spurious. Jason's

beach (the modern Yasoun Bouroun) and the three first-named rivers

lie between Cotyora and Sinope. Possibly the author, or one of his

editors, somewhat loosely inserted a recapitulatory note

concerning the scenery of this coasting voyage at this point. "By

the way, I ought to have told you that as they coasted along,"

etc.

(2) One of the most powerful of commercial cities, distinguished as

Pontica (whence, in the middle ages, Penteraklia), now Eregli. It

was one of the older Greek settlements, and, like Kalchedon (to

give that town its proper name), a Megaro-Doric colony. See

Kiepert, op. cit. chap. iv. 62.

(3) According to another version of the legend Heracles went down to

bring up Cerberus, not here, but at Taenarum.

The soldiers held a meeting, and took counsel about the remainder of

the journey: should they make their exit from the Pontus by sea or by

land? and Lycon the Achaean got up and said: "I am astonished, sirs,

that the generals do not endeavour to provide us more efficiently with

provisions. These gifts of hospitality will not afford three days' 4

victuals for the army; nor do I see from what region we are to provide

ourselves as we march. My proposal, therefore, is to demand of the

Heracleots at least three thousand cyzicenes." Another speaker

suggested, "not less than ten thousand. Let us at once, before we

break up this meeting, send ambassadors to the city and ascertain

their answer to the demand and take counsel accordingly." Thereupon

they proceeded to put up as ambassadors, first and foremost

Cheirisophus, as he had been chosen general-in-chief; others also

named Xenophon.

But both Cheirisophus and Xenophon stoutly declined, maintaining both

alike that they could not compel a Hellenic city, actually friendly,

to give anything which they did not spontaneously offer. So, since

these two appeared to be backward, the soldiers sent Lycon the

Achaean, Callimachus the Parrhasian, and Agasias the Stymphalian.

These three went and announced the resolutions passed by the army.

Lycon, it was said, even went so far as to threaten certain

consequences in case they refused to comply. The Heracleots said they

would deliberate; and, without more ado, they got together their goods

and chattels from their farms and fields outside, and dismantled the

market outside and transferred it within, after which the gates were

closed, and arms appeared at the battlements of the walls.

At that check, the authors of these tumultuary measures fell to

accusing the generals, as if they had marred the proceeding; and the

Arcadians and Archaeans banded together, chiefly under the auspices of

the two ringleaders, Callimachus the Parrhasian and Lycon the Achaean.

The language they held was to this effect: It was outrageous that a

single Athenian and a Lacedaemonian, who had not contributed a soldier

to the expedition, should rule Peloponnesians; scandalous that they

themselves should bear the toils whilst others pocketed the spoils,

and that too though the preservation of the army was due to

themselves; for, as every one must admit, to the Arcadians and 10

Achaeans the credit of that achievement was due, and the rest of the

army went for nothing (which was indeed so far true that the Arcadians

and Achaeans did form numerically the larger half of the whole army).

What then did common sense suggest? Why, that they, the Arcadians and

Achaeans, should make common cause, choose generals for themselves

independently, continue the march, and try somewhat to better their

condition. This proposal was carried. All the Arcadians and Achaeans

who chanced to be with Cheirisophus left him and Xenophon, setting up

for themselves and choosing ten generals of their own. These ten, it

was decreed, were to put into effect such measures as approved

themselves to the majority. Thus the absolute authority vested in

Cheirisophus was terminated there and then, within less than a week of

his appointment.

Xenophon, however was minded to prosecute the journey in their

company, thinking that this would be a safer plan than for each to

start on his own account. But Neon threw in his weight in favour of

separate action. "Every one for himself," he said, for he had heard

from Cheirisophus that Cleander, the Spartan governor-general at

Byzantium, talked of coming to Calpe Haven with some war vessels.

Neon's advice was due to his desire to secure a passage home in these

war vessels for themselves and their soldiers, without allowing any

one else to share in their good-fortune. As for Cheirisophus, he was

at once so out of heart at the turn things had taken, and soured with

the whole army, that he left it to his subordinate, Neon, to do just

what he liked. Xenophon, on his side, would still have been glad to be

quit of the expedition and sail home; but on offering sacrifice to

Heracles the Leader, and seeking advice, whether it were better and

more desirable to continue the march in charge of the soldiers who had

remained faithful, or to take his departure, the god indicated to him

by the victims that he should adopt the former course.

In this way the army was now split up into three divisions (4). First,

the Arcadians and Achaeans, over four thousand five hundred men, all

heavy infantry. Secondly, Cheirisophus and his men, viz. one thousand 16

four hundred heavy infantry and the seven hundred peltasts, or

Clearchus's Thracians. Thirdly, Xenophon's division of one thousand

seven hundred heavy infantry, and three hundred peltasts; but then he

alone had the cavalry--about forty troopers.

(4) The total now amounted to 8640 and over.

The Arcadians, who had bargained with the Heracleots and got some

vessels from them, were the first to set sail; they hoped, by pouncing

suddenly on the Bithynians, to make as large a haul as possible. With

that object they disembarked at Calpe Haven (5), pretty nearly at the

middle point in Thrace. Cheirisophus setting off straight from

Heraclea, commenced a land march through the country; but having

entered into Thrace, he preferred to cling to the seaboard, health and

strength failing him. Xenophon, lastly, took vessels, and disembarking

on the confines of Thrace and the Heracleotid, pushed forward through

the heart of the country (6).

(5) The Haven of Calpe = Kirpe Liman or Karpe in the modern maps. The

name is interesting as being also the ancient name of the rock

fortress of Gibraltar.

(6) Some MSS. here read, "In the prior chapter will be found a

description of the manner in which the absolute command of

Cheirisophus was abruptly terminated and the army of the Hellenes

broken up. The sequel will show how each of these divisions

fared." The passage is probably one of those commentators' notes,

with which we are now familiar.

III

The Arcadians, disembarking under cover of night at Calpe Haven, 1

marched against the nearest villages about thirty furlongs from the

sea; and as soon as it was light, each of the ten generals led his

company to attack one village, or if the village were large, a couple

of companies advanced under their combined generals. They further

agreed upon a certain knoll, where they were all eventually to

assemble. So sudden was their attack that they seized a number of

captives and enclosed a multitude of small cattle. But the Thracians

who escaped began to collect again; for being light-armed troops they

had slipped in large numbers through the hands of the heavy infantry;

and now that they were got together they first attacked the company of

the Arcadian general, Smicres, who had done his work and was retiring

to the appointed meeting-place, driving along a large train of

captives and cattle. For a good while the Hellenes maintained a

running fight (1); but at the passage of a gorge the enemy routed them, 5

slaying Smicres himself and those with him to a man. The fate of

another company under command of Hegesander, another of the ten, was

nearly as bad; only eight men escaped, Hegesander being one of them.

The remaining captains eventually met, some with somewhat to show for

their pains, others empty-handed.

(1) Lit. "marched and fought," as did the forlorn hope under Sir C.

Wilson making its way from Abu Klea to the Nile in Jan. 1885.

The Thracians, having achieved this success, kept up a continual

shouting and clatter of conversation to one another during the night;

but with day-dawn they marshalled themselves right round the knoll on

which the Hellenes were encamped--both cavalry in large numbers and

light-armed troops--while every minute the stream of new-comers grew

greater. Then they commenced an attack on the heavy infantry in all

security, for the Hellenes had not a single bowman, javelin-man, or

mounted trooper amongst them; while the enemy rushed forward on foot

or galloped up on horseback and let fly their javelins. It was vain to

attempt to retaliate, so lightly did they spring back and escape; and

ever the attack renewed itself from every point, so that on one side

man after man was wounded, on the other not a soul was touched; the

result being that they could not stir from their position, and the

Thracians ended by cutting them off even from their water. In their

despair they began to parley about a truce, and finally various

concessions were made and terms agreed to between them; but the

Thracians would not hear of giving hostages in answer to the demand of

the Hellenes; at that point the matter rested. So fared it with the

Arcadians.

As to Cheirisophus, that general prosecuted his march along the 10

seaboard, and without check reached Calpe Haven. Xenophon advanced

through the heart of the country; and his cavalry pushing on in front,

came upon some old men pursuing their road somewither, who were

brought to him, and in answer to his question, whether they had caught

sight of another Hellenic army anywhere, told him all that had already

taken place, adding that at present they were being besieged upon a

knoll with all the Thracians in close circle round them. Thereupon he

kept the old men under strict guard to serve as guides in case of

need; next, having appointed outposts, he called a meeting of the

soldiers, and addressed them: "Soldiers, some of the Arcadians are

dead and the rest are being besieged upon a certain knoll. Now my own

belief is, that if they are to perish, with their deaths the seal is

set to our own fate: since we must reckon with an enemy at once

numerous and emboldened. Clearly our best course is to hasten to their

rescue, if haply we may find them still alive, and do battle by their

side rather than suffer isolation, confronting danger single-handed.

"Let us then at once push forward as far as may seem opportune till

supper-time, and then encamp. As long as we are marching, let

Timasion, with the cavalry, gallop on in front, but without losing

sight of us; and let him examine all closely in front, so that nothing

may escape our observation." (At the same time too, he sent out some

nimble fellows of the light-armed troops to the flanks and to the high

tops, who were to give a signal if they espied anything anywhere;

ordering them to burn everything inflammable which lay in their path.)

"As for ourselves," he continued, "we need not look to find cover in

any direction; for it is a long step back to Heraclea and a long leap

across to Chrysopolis, and the enemy is at the door. The shortest road

is to Calpe Haven, where we suppose Cheirisophus, if safe, to be; but

then, when we get there, at Calpe Haven there are no vessels for us to

sail away in; and if we stop here, we have not provisions for a single

day. Suppose the beleaguered Arcadians left to their fate, we shall

find it but a sorry alternative to run the gauntlet with

Cheirisophus's detachment alone; better to save them if we can, and 17

with united forces work out our deliverance in common. But if so, we

must set out with minds prepared, since to-day either a glorious death

awaits us or the achievement of a deed of noblest emprise in the

rescue of so many Hellene lives. Maybe it is God who leads us thus,

God who chooses to humble the proud boaster, boasting as though he

were exceedingly wise, but for us, the beginning of whose every act is

by heaven's grace, that same God reserves a higher grade of honour.

One duty I would recall to you, to apply your minds to the execution

of the orders with promptitude."

With these words he led the way. The cavalry, scattering as far in

advance as was prudent, wherever they set foot, set fire. The peltasts

moving parallel on the high ground were similarly employed, burning

everything combustible they could discover. While the main army,

wherever they came upon anything which had accidentally escaped,

completed the work, so that the whole country looked as if it were

ablaze; and the army might easily pass for a larger one. When the hour

had come, they turned aside to a knoll and took up quarters; and there

they espied the enemy's watch-fires. He was about forty furlongs

distant. On their side also they kindled as many watch-fires as

possible; but as soon as they had dined the order was passed to quench

all the fires. So during the night they posted guards and slept. But

at daybreak they offered prayers to the gods, and drawing up in order

of battle, began marching with what speed they might. Timasion and the

cavalry, who had the guides with them, and were moving on briskly in

front, found themselves without knowing it at the very knoll upon

which the Hellenes had been beleaguered. But no army could they

discover, whether of friend or foe; only some starveling old women and

men, with a few sheep and oxen which had been left behind. This news

they reported to Xenophon and the main body. At first the marvel was

what had happened; but ere long they found out by inquiries from the

folk who had been left behind, that the Thracians had set off

immediately after sundown, and were gone; the Hellenes had waited till

morning before they made off, but in what direction, they could not 23

say.

On hearing this, Xenophon's troops first breakfasted, and then getting

their kit together began their march, desiring to unite with the rest

at Calpe's Haven without loss of time. As they continued their march,

they came across the track of the Arcadians and Achaeans along the

road to Calpe, and both divisions arriving eventually at the same

place, were overjoyed to see one another again, and they embraced each

other like brothers. Then the Arcadians inquired of Xenophon's

officers--why they had quenched the watch-fires? "At first," said

they, "when we lost sight of your watch-fires, we expected you to

attack the enemy in the night; and the enemy, so at least we imagined,

must have been afraid of that and so set off. The time at any rate at

which they set off would correspond. But when the requisite time had

elapsed and you did not come, we concluded that you must have learnt

what was happening to us, and in terror had made a bolt for it to the

seaboard. We resolved not to be left behind by you; and that is how we

also came to march hither."

IV

During this day they contented themselves with bivouacking there on 1

the beach at the harbour. The place which goes by the name of Calpe

Haven is in Asiatic Thrace, the name given to a region extending from

the mouth of the Euxine all the way to Heraclea, which lies on the

right hand as you sail into the Euxine. It is a long day's voyage for

a war-ship, using her three banks of oars, from Byzantium to Heraclea,

and between these two there is not a single Hellenic or friendly city,

but only these Bithynian Thracians, who have a bad reputation for the

savagery with which they treat any Hellenes cast ashore by shipwreck

or otherwise thrown into their power.

Now the haven of Calpe lies exactly midway, halving the voyage between

Byzantium and Heraclea. It is a long promontory running out into the

sea; the seaward portion being a rocky precipice, at no point less

than twenty fathoms high; but on the landward side there is a neck 3

about four hundred feet wide; and the space inside the neck is capable

of accommodating ten thousand inhabitants, and there is a haven

immediately under the crag with a beach facing the west. Then there is

a copious spring of fresh water flowing on the very marge of the sea

commanded by the stronghold. Again, there is plenty of wood of various

sorts; but most plentiful of all, fine shipbuilding timber down to the

very edge of the sea. The upland stretches into the heart of the

country for twenty furlongs at least. It is good loamy soil, free from

stones. For a still greater distance the seaboard is thickly grown

with large timber trees of every description. The surrounding country

is beautiful and spacious, containing numerous well populated

villages. The soil produces barley and wheat, and pulse of all sorts,

millet and sesame, figs in ample supply, with numerous vines producing

sweet wines, and indeed everything else except olives. Such is the

character of the country.

The tents were pitched on the seaward-facing beach, the soldiers being

altogether averse to camping on ground which might so easily be

converted into a city. Indeed, their arrival at the place at all

seemed very like the crafty design of some persons who were minded to

form a city. The aversion was not unnatural, since the majority of the

soldiers had not left their homes on so long a voyage from scantiness

or subsistence, but attracted by the fame of Cyrus's virtues; some of

them bringing followers, while others had expended money on the

expedition. And amongst them was a third set who had run away from

fathers and mothers; while a different class had left children behind,

hoping to return to them with money or other gains. Other people with

Cyrus won great success, they were told (1); why should it not be so

with them? Being persons then of this description, the one longing of

their hearts was to reach Hellas safely.

(1) I.e. "his society was itself a passport to good fortune."

It was on the day after their meeting that Xenophon sacrificed as a

preliminary to a military expedition; for it was needful to march out

in search of provisions, besides which he designed burying the dead. 9

As soon as the victims proved favourable they all set out, the

Arcadians following with the rest. The majority of the dead, who had

lain already five days, they buried just where they had fallen, in

groups; to remove their bodies now would have been impossible. Some

few, who lay off the roads, they got together and buried with what

splendour they could, considering the means in their power. Others

they could not find, and for these they erected a great cenotaph (2),

and covered it with wreaths. When it was all done, they returned home

to camp. At that time they supped, and went to rest.

(2) "Cenotaph", i.e. "an empty tomb." The word is interesting as

occurring only in Xenophon, until we come to the writers of the

common dialect. Compare "hyuscyamus," hogbean, our henbane, which

we also owe to Xenophon. "Oecon." i. 13, see Sauppe, "Lexil. Xen."

s.vv.

Next day there was a general meeting of the soldiers, collected

chiefly by Agasias the Stymphalian, a captain, and Hieronymus, an

Eleian, also a captain, and other seniors of the Arcadians; and they

passed a resolution that, for the future, whoever revived the idea of

breaking up the army should be punished by death. And the army, it was

decided, would now resume its old position under the command of its

former generals. Though Cheirisophus, indeed, had already died under

medical treatment for fever (3); and Neon the Asinaean had taken his

place.

(3) This I take to be the meaning of the words, which are necessarily

ambiguous, since {pharmakon}, "a drug," also means "poison." Did

Cheirisophus conceivably die of fever brought on by some poisonous

draught? or did he take poison whilst suffering from fever? or did

he die under treatment?

After these resolutions Xenophon got up and said: "Soldiers, the

journey must now, I presume, be conducted on foot; indeed, this is

clear, since we have no vessels; and we are driven to commence it at

once, for we have no provisions if we stop. We then," he continued,

"will sacrifice, and you must prepare yourselves to fight now, if

ever, for the spirit of the enemy has revived."

Thereupon the generals sacrificed, in the presence of the Arcadian

seer, Arexion; for Silanus the Ambraciot had chartered a vessel at

Heraclea and made his escape ere this. Sacrificing with a view to 13

departure, the victims proved unfavourable to them. Accordingly they

waited that day. Certain people were bold enough to say that Xenophon,

out of his desire to colonise the place, had persuaded the seer to say

that the victims were unfavourable to departure. Consequently he

proclaimed by herald next morning that any one who liked should be

present at the sacrifice; or if he were a seer he was bidden to be

present and help to inspect the victims. Then he sacrificed, and there

were numbers present; but though the sacrifice on the question of

departure was repeated as many as three times, the victims were

persistently unfavourable. Thereat the soldiers were in high dudgeon,

for the provisions they had brought with them had reached the lowest

ebb, and there was no market to be had.

Consequently there was another meeting, and Xenophon spoke again:

"Men," said he, "the victims are, as you may see for yourselves, not

yet favourable to the march; but meanwhile, I can see for myself that

you are in need of provisions; accordingly we must narrow the

sacrifice to the particular point." Some one got up and said:

"Naturally enough the victims are unfavourable, for, as I learnt from

some one on a vessel which arrived here yesterday by accident,

Cleander, the governor at Byzantium, intends coming here with ships

and men-of-war." Thereat they were all in favour of stopping; but they

must needs go out for provisions, and with this object he again

sacrificed three times, and the victims remained adverse. Things had

now reached such a pass that the men actually came to Xenophon's tent

to proclaim that they had no provisions. His sole answer was that he

would not lead them out till the victims were favourable.

So again the next day he sacrificed; and nearly the whole army, so

strong was the general anxiety, flocked round the victims; and now the

very victims themselves failed. So the generals, instead of leading

out the army, called the men together. Xenophon, as was incumbent on

him, spoke: "It is quite possible that the enemy are collected in a

body, and we shall have to fight. If we were to leave our baggage in

the strong place" (pointing overhead) "and sally forth prepared for

battle, the victims might favour us." But the soldiers, on hearing 22

this proposal, cried out, "No need to take us inside that place;

better sacrifice with all speed." Now sheep there were none any

longer. So they purchased oxen from under a wagon and sacrificed; and

Xenophon begged Cleanor the Arcadian to superintend the sacrifice on

his behalf, in case there might be some change now. But even so there

was no improvement.

Now Neon was general in place of Cheirisophus, and seeing the men

suffering so cruelly from want, he was willing to do them a good turn.

So he got hold of some Heracleot or other who said he knew of villages

close by from which they could get provisions, and proclaimed by

herald: "If any one liked to come out and get provisions, be it known

that he, Neon, would be their leader." So out came the men with

spears, and wine skins and sacks and other vessels--two thousand

strong in all. But when they had reached the villages and began to

scatter for the purpose of foraging, Pharnabazus's cavalry were the

first to fall upon them. They had come to the aid of the Bithynians,

wishing, if possible, in conjunction with the latter, to hinder the

Hellenes from entering Phrygia. These troopers killed no less than

five hundred of the men; the rest fled for the lives up into the hill

country.

News of the catastrophe was presently brought into camp by one of

those who had escaped, and Xenophon, seeing that the victims had not

been favourable on that day, took a wagon bullock, in the absence of

other sacrificial beasts, offered it up, and started for the rescue,

he and the rest under thirty years of age to the last man. Thus they

picked up the remnant of Neon's party and returned to camp. It was now

about sunset; and the Hellenes in deep despondency were making their

evening meal, when all of a sudden, through bush and brake, a party of

Bithynians fell upon the pickets, cutting down some and chasing the

rest into camp. In the midst of screams and shouts the Hellenes ran to

their arms, one and all; yet to pursue or move the camp in the night

seemed hardly safe, for the ground was thickly grown with bush; all

they could do was to strengthen the outposts and keep watch under arms

the livelong night.

V

And so they spent the night, but with day-dawn the generals led the 1

way into the natural fastness, and the others picked up their arms and

baggage and followed the lead. Before the breakfast-hour arrived, they

had fenced off with a ditch the only side on which lay ingress into

the place, and had palisaded off the whole, leaving only three gates.

Anon a ship from Heraclea arrived bringing barleymeal, victim animals,

and wine.

Xenophon was up betimes, and made the usual offering before starting

on an expedition, and at the first victim the sacrifice was

favourable. Just as the sacrifice ended, the seer, Arexion the

Parrhasian, caught sight of an eagle, which boded well, and bade

Xenophon lead on. So they crossed the trench and grounded arms. Then

proclamation was made by herald for the soldiers to breakfast and

start on an expedition under arms; the mob of sutlers and the captured

slaves would be left in camp. Accordingly the mass of the troops set

out. Neon alone remained; for it seemed best to leave that general and

his men to guard the contents of the camp. But when the officers and

soldiers had left them in the lurch, they were so ashamed to stop in

camp while the rest marched out, that they too set out, leaving only

those above five-and-forty years of age.

These then stayed, while the rest set out on the march. Before they

had gone two miles, they stumbled upon dead bodies, and when they had

brought up the rear of the column in a line with the first bodies to

be seen, they began digging graves and burying all included in the

column from end to end. After burying the first batch, they advanced,

and again bringing the rear even with the first unburied bodies which

appeared, they buried in the same way all which the line of troops

included. Finally, reaching the road that led out of the villages

where the bodies lay thick together, they collected them and laid them

in a common grave.

It was now about midday, when pushing forward the troops up to the

villages without entering them, they proceeded to seize provisions,

laying hands on everything they could set eyes on under cover of their 7

lines; when suddenly they caught sight of the enemy cresting certain

hillocks in front of them, duly marshalled in line--a large body of

cavalry and infantry. It was Spithridates and Rhathines, sent by

Pharnabazus with their force at their backs. As soon as the enemy

caught sight of the Hellenes, they stood still, about two miles

distant. Then Arexion the seer sacrificed, and at the first essay the

victims were favourable. Whereupon Xenophon addressed the other

generals: "I would advise, sirs, that we should detach one or more

flying columns to support our main attack, so that in case of need at

any point we may have reserves in readiness to assist our main body,

and the enemy, in the confusion of battle, may find himself attacking

the unbroken lines of troops not hitherto engaged." These views

approved themselves to all. "Do you then," said he, "lead on the

vanguard straight at the enemy. Do not let us stand parleying here,

now that we have caught sight of him and he of us. I will detach the

hindmost companies in the way we have decided upon and follow you."

After that they quietly advanced, and he, withdrawing the rear-rank

companies in three brigades consisting of a couple of hundred men

apiece, commissioned the first on the right to follow the main body at

the distance of a hundred feet. Samolas the Achaean was in command of

this brigade. The duty of the second, under the command of Pyrrhias

the Arcadian, was to follow in the centre. The last was posted on the

left, with Phrasias, an Athenian, in command. As they advanced, the

vanguard reached a large and difficult woody glen, and halted, not

knowing whether the obstacle needed to be crossed or not. They passed

down the word for the generals and officers to come forward to the

front. Xenophon, wondering what it was that stopped the march, and

presently hearing the above order passed along the ranks, rode up with

all speed. As soon as they were met, Sophaenetus, as the eldest

general, stated his opinion that the question, whether a gully of that

kind ought to be crossed or not, was not worth discussing. Xenophon,

with some ardour, retorted: "You know, sirs, I have not been in the

habit hitherto of introducing you to danger which you might avoid. It

is not your reputation for courage surely that is at stake, but your 14

safe return home. But now the matter stands thus: It is impossible to

retire from this point without a battle; if we do not advance against

the enemy ourselves, he will follow us as soon as we have turned our

backs and attack us. Consider, then; is it better to go and meet the

foe with arms advanced, or with arms reversed to watch him as he

assails us on our rear? You know this at any rate, that to retire

before an enemy has nothing glorious about it, whereas attack

engenders courage even in a coward. For my part, I would rather at any

time attack with half my men than retreat with twice the number. As to

these fellows, if we attack them, I am sure you do not really expect

them to await us; though, if we retreat, we know for certain they will

be emboldened to pursue us. Nay, if the result of crossing is to place

a difficult gully behind us when we are on the point of engaging,

surely that is an advantage worth seizing. At least, if it were left

to me, I would choose that everything should appear smooth and

passable to the enemy, which may invite retreat; but for ourselves we

may bless the ground which teaches us that except in victory we have

no deliverance. It astonishes me that any one should deem this

particular gully a whit more terrible than any of the other barriers

which we have successfully passed. How impassable was the plain, had

we failed to conquer their cavalry! how insurmountable the mountains

already traversed by us, with all their peltasts in hot pursuit at our

heels! Nay, when we have safely reached the sea, the Pontus will

present a somewhat formidable gully, when we have neither vessels to

convey us away nor corn to keep us alive whilst we stop. But we shall

no sooner be there than we must be off again to get provisions. Surely

it is better to fight to-day after a good breakfast than to-morrow on

an empty stomach. Sirs, the offerings are favourable to us, the omens

are propitious, the victims more than promising; let us attack the

enemy! Now that they have had a good look at us, these fellows must

not be allowed to enjoy their dinners or choose a camp at their own

sweet will."

After that the officers bade him lead on. None gainsaid, and he led

the way. His orders were to cross the gully, where each man chanced to 22

find himself. By this method, as it seemed to him, the troops would

more quickly mass themselves on the far side than was possible, if

they defiled along (1) the bridge which spanned the gully. But once

across he passed along the line and addressed the troops: "Sirs, call

to mind what by help of the gods you have already done. Bethink you of

the battles you have won at close quarters with the foe; of the fate

which awaits those who flee before their foes. Forget not that we

stand at the very doors of Hellas. Follow in the steps of Heracles,

our guide, and cheer each the other onwards by name. Sweet were it

surely by some brave and noble word or deed, spoken or done this day,

to leave the memory of oneself in the hearts of those one loves."

(1) Lit. "had they wound off thread by thread"; the metaphor is from

unwinding a ball of wool.

These words were spoken as he rode past, and simultaneously he began

leading on the troops in battle line; and, placing the peltasts on

either flank of the main body, they moved against the enemy. Along the

line the order had sped "to keep their spears at rest on the right

shoulder until the bugle signal; then lower them for the charge, slow

march, and even pace, no one to quicken into a run." Lastly, the

watchword was passed, "Zeus the Saviour, Heracles our Guide." The

enemy waited their approach, confident in the excellence of his

position; but as they drew closer the Hellene light troops, with a

loud alala! without waiting for the order, dashed against the foe. The

latter, on their side, came forward eagerly to meet the charge, both

the cavalry and the mass of the Bithynians; and these turned the

peltasts. But when with counter-wave the phalanx of the heavy infantry

rapidly advancing, faced them, and at the same time the bugle sounded,

and the battle hymn rose from all lips, and after this a loud cheer

rose, and at the same instant they couched their spears;--at this

conjuncture the enemy no longer welcomed them, but fled. Timasion with

his cavalry followed close, and, considering their scant numbers, they

did great execution. It was the left wing of the enemy, in a line with

which the Hellene cavalry were posted, that was so speedily scattered.

But the right, which was not so hotly pursued, collected upon a knoll; 28

and when the Hellenes saw them standing firm, it seemed the easiest

and least dangerous course to go against them at once. Raising the

battle hymn, they straightway fell upon them, but the others did not

await their coming. Thereupon the peltasts gave chase until the right

of the enemy was in its turn scattered, though with slight loss in

killed; for the enemy's cavalry was numerous and threatening.

But when the Hellenes saw the cavalry of Pharnabazus still standing in

compact order, and the Bithynian horsemen massing together as if to

join it, and like spectators gazing down from a knoll at the

occurrences below; though weary, they determined to attack the enemy

as best they could, and not suffer him to recover breath with reviving

courage. So they formed in compact line and advanced. Thereupon the

hostile cavalry turned and fled down the steep as swiftly as if they

had been pursued by cavalry. In fact they sought the shelter of a

gully, the existence of which was unknown to the Hellenes. The latter

accordingly turned aside too soon and gave up the chase, for it was

too late. Returning to the point where the first encounter took place

they erected a trophy, and went back to the sea about sunset. It was

something like seven miles to camp.

VI

After this the enemy confined themselves to their own concerns, and 1

removed their households and property as far away as possible. The

Hellenes, on their side, were still awaiting the arrival of Cleander

with the ships of war and transports, which ought to be there soon. So

each day they went out with the baggage animals and slaves and

fearlessly brought in wheat and barley, wine and vegetables, millet

and figs; since the district produced all good things, the olive alone

excepted. When the army stayed in camp to rest, pillaging parties were

allowed to go out, and those who went out appropriated the spoils; but

when the whole army went out, if any one went off apart and seized 2

anything, it was voted to be public property. Ere long there was an

ample abundance of supplies of all sorts, for marketables arrived from

Hellenic cities on all sides, and marts were established. Mariners

coasting by, and hearing that a city was being founded and that there

was a harbour, were glad to put in. Even the hostile tribes dwelling

in the neighbourhood presently began to send envoys to Xenophon. It

was he who was forming the place into a city, as they understood, and

they would be glad to learn on what terms they might secure his

friendship. He made a point of introducing these visitors to the

soldiers.

Meanwhile Cleander arrived with two ships of war, but not a single

transport. At the moment of his arrival, as it happened, the army had

taken the field, and a separate party had gone off on a pillaging

expedition into the hills and had captured a number of small cattle.

In thir apprehension of being deprived of them, these same people

spoke to Dexippus (this was the same man who had made off from

Trapezus with the fifty-oared galley), and urged him to save their

sheep for them. "Take some for yourself," said they, "and give the

rest back to us." So, without more ado, he drove off the soldiers

standing near, who kept repeating that the spoil was public property.

Then off he went to Cleander. "Here is an attempt," said he, "at

robbery." Cleander bade him to bring up the culprit to him. Dexippus

seized on some one, and was for haling him to the Spartan governor.

Just then Agasias came across him and rescued the man, who was a

member of his company; and the rest of the soldiers present set to

work to stone Dexippus, calling him "traitor." Things looked so ill

that a number of the crew of the ships of war took fright and fled to

the sea, and with the rest Cleander himself. Xenophon and the other

generals tried to hold the men back, assuring Cleander that the affair

signified nothing at all, and that the origin of it was a decree pased

by the army. That was to blame, if anything. But Cleander, goaded by

Dexippus, and personally annoyed at the fright which he had

experienced, threatened to sail away and publish an interdict against

them, forbidding any city to receive them, as being public enemies. 9

For at this date the Lacedaemonians held sway over the whole Hellenic

world.

Thereat the affair began to wear an ugly look, and the Hellenes begged

and implored Cleander to reconsider his intention. He replied that he

would be as good as his word, and that nothing should stop him, unless

the man who set the example of stoning, with the other who rescued the

prisoner, were given up to him. Now, one of the two whose persons were

thus demanded--Agasias--had been a friend to Xenophon throughout; and

that was just why Dexippus was all the more anxious to accuse him. In

their perplexity the generals summoned a full meeting of the soldiers,

and some speakers were disposed to make very light of Cleander and set

him at naught. But Xenophon took a more serious view of the matter; he

rose and addressed the meeting thus: "Soldiers, I cannot say that I

feel disposed to make light of this business, if Cleander be allowed

to go away, as he threatens to do, in his present temper towards us.

There are Hellenic cities close by; but then the Lacedaemonians are

the lords of Hellas, and they can, any one of them, carry out whatever

they like in the cities. If then the first thing this Lacedaemonian

does is to close the gates of Byzantium, and next to pass an order to

the other governors, city by city, not to receive us because we are a

set of lawless ruffians disloyal to the Lacedaemonians; and if,

further, this report of us should reach the ears of their admiral,

Anaxibius, to stay or to sail away will alike be difficult. Remember,

the Lacedaemonians at the present time are lords alike on land and on

sea. For the sake then of a single man, or for two men's sake, it is

not right that the rest of us should be debarred from Hellas; but

whatever they enjoin we must obey. Do not the cities which gave us

birth yield them obedience also? For my own part, inasmuch as

Dexippus, I believe, keeps telling Cleander that Agasias would never

have done this had not I, Xenophon, bidden him, I absolve you of all

complicity, and Agasias too, if Agasias himself states that I am in

any way a prime mover in this matter. If I have set the fashion of

stone-throwing or any other sort of violence I condemn myself--I say

that I deserve the extreme penalty, and I will submit to undergo it. I 15

further say that if any one else is accused, that man is bound to

surrender himself to Cleander for judgement, for by this means you

will be absolved entirely from the accusation. But as the matter now

stands, it is cruel that just when we were aspiring to win praise and

honour throughout Hellas, we are destined to sink below the level of

the rest of the world, banned from the Hellenic cities whose common

name we boast."

After him Agasias got up, and said, "I swear to you, sirs, by the gods

and goddesses, verily and indeed, neither Xenophon nor any one else

among you bade me rescue the man. I saw an honest man--one of my own

company--being taken up by Dexippus, the man who betrayed you, as you

know full well. That I could not endure; I rescued him, I admit the

fact. Do not you deliver me up. I will surrender myself, as Xenophon

suggests, to Cleander to pass what verdict on me he thinks right. Do

not, for the sake of such a matter, make foes of the Lacedaemonians;

rather God grant that (1) each of you may safely reach the goal of his

desire. Only do you choose from among yourselves and send with me to

Cleander those who, in case of any omission on my part, may by their

words and acts supply what is lacking." Thereupon the army granted him

to choose for himself whom he would have go with him and to go; and he

at once chose the generals. After this they all set off to

Cleander--Agasias and the generals and the man who had been rescued by

Agasias--and the generals spoke as follows: "The army has sent us to

you, Cleander, and this is their bidding: 'If you have fault to find

with all, they say, you ought to pass sentence on all, and do with

them what seems best; or if the charge is against one man or two, or

possibly several, what they expect of these people is to surrender

themselves to you for judgement.' Accordingly, if you lay anything to

the charge of us generals, here we stand at your bar. Or do you impute

the fault to some one not here? tell us whom. Short of flying in the

face of our authority, there is no one who will absent himself."

(1) Reading with the best MSS., {sozoisthe}. Agasias ends his sentence

with a prayer. Al. {sozesthe}, "act so that each," etc.

At this point Agasias stepped forward and said: "It was I, Cleander, 21

who rescued the man before you yonder from Dexippus, when the latter

was carrying him off, and it was I who gave the order to strike

Dexippus. My plea is that I know the prisoner to be an honest man. As

to Dexippus, I know that he was chosen by the army to command a

fifty-oared galley, which we had obtained by request from the men of

Trapezus for the express purpose of collecting vessels to carry us

safely home. But this same Dexippus betrayed his fellow-soldiers, with

whom he had been delivered from so many perils, and made off into

hiding like a runaway slave, whereby we have robbed the Trapezuntines

of their frigate, and must needs appear as knaves in their eyes for

this man's sake. As to ourselves, as far as he could, he has ruined

us; for, like the rest of us, he had heard how all but impossible it

was for us to retreat by foot across the rivers and to reach Hellas in

safety. That is the stamp of man whom I robbed of his prey. Now, had

it been you yourself who carried him off, or one of your emissaries,

or indeed any one short of a runaway from ourselves, be sure that I

should have acted far otherwise. Be assured that if you put me to

death at this time you are sacrificing a good, honest man for the sake

of a coward and a scamp."

When he had listened to these remarks, Cleander replied that if such

had been the conduct of Dexippus, he could not congratulate him. "But

still," he added, turning to the generals, "were Dexippus ever so

great a scamp he ought not to suffer violence; but in the language of

your own demand he was entitled to a fair trial, and so to obtain his

deserts. What I have to say at present therefore is: leave your friend

here and go your way, and when I give the order be present at the

trial. I have no further charge against the army or any one, since the

prisoner himself admits that he rescued the man." Then the man who had

been rescued said: "In behalf of myself, Cleander, if possibly you

think that I was being taken up for some misdeed, it is not so; I

neither struck nor shot; I merely said, 'The sheep are public

property;' for it was a resolution of the soldiers that whenever the

army went out as a body any booty privately obtained was to be public

property. That was all I said, and thereupon yonder fellow seized me 28

and began dragging me off. He wanted to stop our mouths, so that he

might have a share of the things himself, and keep the rest for these

buccaneers, contrary to the ordinance." In answer to that Cleander

said: "Very well, if that is your disposition you can stay behind too,

and we will take your case into consideration also."

Thereupon Cleander and his party proceeded to breakfast; but Xenophon

collected the army in assembly, and advised their sending a deputation

to Cleander to intercede in behalf of the men. Accordingly it was

resolved to send some generals and officers with Dracontius the

Spartan, and of the rest those who seemed best fitted to go. The

deputation was to request Cleander by all means to release the two

men. Accordingly Xenophon came and addressed him thus: "Cleander, you

have the men; the army has bowed to you and assented to do what you

wished with respect to these two members of their body and themselves

in general. But now they beg and pray you to give up these two men,

and not to put them to death. Many a good service have these two

wrought for our army in past days. Let them but obtain this from you,

and in return the army promises that, if you will put yourself at

their head and the gracious gods approve, they will show you how

orderly they are, how apt to obey their general, and, with heaven's

help, to face their foes unflinchingly. They make this further request

to you, that you will present yourself and take command of them and

make trial of them. 'Test us ourselves,' they say, 'and test Dexippus,

what each of us is like, and afterwards assign to each his due.'" When

Cleander heard these things, he answered: "Nay, by the twin gods, I

will answer you quickly enough. Here I make you a present of the two

men, and I will as you say present myself, and then, if the gods

vouchsafe, I will put myself at your head and lead you into Hellas.

Very different is your language from the tale I used to hear

concerning you from certain people, that you wanted to withdraw the

army from allegiance to the Lacedaemonians."

After this the deputation thanked him and retired, taking with them

the two men; then Cleander sacrificed as a preliminary to marching and

consorted friendlily with Xenophon, and the two struck up an alliance. 35

When the Spartan saw with what good discipline the men carried out

their orders, he was still more anxious to become their leader.

However, in spite of sacrifices repeated on three successive days, the

victims steadily remained unfavourable. So he summoned the generals

and said to them: "The victims smile not on me, they suffer me not to

lead you home; but be not out of heart at that. To you it is given, as

it would appear, to bring your men safe home. Forwards then, and for

our part, whenever you come yonder, we will bestow on you as warm a

welcome as we may."

Then the soldiers resolved to make him a present of the public cattle,

which he accepted, but again gave back to them. So he sailed away; but

the soldiers made division of the corn which they had collected and of

the other captured property, and commenced their homeward march

through the territory of the Bithynians.

At first they confined themselves to the main road; but not chancing

upon anything whereby they might reach a friendly territory with

something in their pockets for themselves, they resolved to turn sharp

round, and marched for one day and night in the opposite direction. By

this proceeding they captured many slaves and much small cattle; and

on the sixth day reached Chrysopolis in Chalcedonia (2). Here they

halted seven days while they disposed of their booty by sale.

(2) The name should be written "Calchedonia." The false form drove out

the more correct, probably through a mispronunciation, based on a

wrong derivation, at some date long ago. The sites of Chrysopolis

and Calchedon correspond respectively to the modern Scutari and

Kadikoi.

BOOK VII

(In the earlier portion of the narrative will be found a

detailed history of the fortunes of the Hellenes during their

march up country with Cyrus down to the date of the battle;

and, subsequently to his death, until they reached the Euxine;

as also of all their doings in their efforts to escape from

the Euxine, partly by land marches and partly under sail by

sea, until they found themselves outside the mouth of the

Black Sea (south of the Bosphorus) at Chrysopolis in Asia.)

I

At this point Pharnabazus, who was afraid that the army might 1

undertake a campaign against his satrapy, sent to Anaxibius, the

Spartan high admiral, who chanced to be in Byzantium, and begged him

to convey the army out of Asia, undertaking to comply with his wishes

in every respect. Anaxibius accordingly sent to summon the generals

and officers to Byzantium, and promised that the soldiers should not

lack pay for service, if they crossed the strait. The officers said

that they would deliberate and return an answer. Xenophon individually

informed them that he was about to quit the army at once, and was only

anxious to set sail. Anaxibius pressed him not to be in so great a

hurry: "Cross over with the rest," he said, "and then it will be time

enough to think about quitting the army." This the other undertook to

do.

Now Seuthes the Thracian sent Medosades and begged Xenophon to use his

influence to get the army across. "Tell Xenophon, if he will do his

best for me in this matter, he will not regret it." Xenophon answered:

"The army is in any case going to cross; so that, as far as that is

concerned, Seuthes is under no obligation to me or to any one else; 6

but as soon as it is once across, I personally shall be quit of it.

Let Seuthes, therefore, as far as he may deem consistent with

prudence, apply to those who are going to remain and will have a voice

in affairs."

After this the whole body of troops crossed to Byzantium. But

Anaxibius, instead of proceeding to give pay, made proclamation that,

"The soldiers were to take up their arms and baggage and go forth," as

if all he wished were to ascertain their numbers and bid them

god-speed at the same moment. The soldiers were not well pleased at

that, because they had no money to furnish themselves with provisions

for the march; and they sluggishly set about getting their baggage

together. Xenophon meanwhile, being on terms of intimacy with the

governor, Cleander, came to pay his host a final visit, and bid him

adieu, being on the point of setting sail. But the other protested;

"Do not do so, or else," said he, "you will be blamed, for even now

certain people are disposed to hold you to account because the army is

so slow in getting under weigh." The other answered, "Nay, I am not to

blame for that. It is the men themselves, who are in want of

provisions; that is why they are out of heart at their exodus." "All

the same," he replied, "I advise you to go out, as if you intended to

march with them, and when you are well outside, it will be time enough

to take yourself off." "Well then," said Xenophon, "we will go and

arrange all this with Anaxibius." They went and stated the case to the

admiral, who insisted that they must do as he had said, and march out,

bag and baggage, by the quickest road; and as an appendix to the

former edict, he added, "Any one absenting himself from the review and

the muster will have himself to blame for the consequences." This was

peremptory. So out marched, the generals first, and then the rest; and

now, with the exception of here a man and there, they were all

outside; it was a "clean sweep"; and Eteonicus stood posted near the

gates, ready to close them, as soon as the men were fairly out, and to

thrust in the bolt pin.

Then Anaxibius summoned the generals and captains, and addressed them:

"Provisions you had better get from the Thracian villages; you will 13

find plenty of barley, wheat, and other necessaries in them; and when

you have got them, off with you to the Chersonese, where Cyniscus will

take you into his service." Some of the soldiers overheard what was

said, or possibly one of the officers was the medium of communication;

however it was, the news was handed on to the army. As to the

generals, their immediate concern was to try and gain some information

as to Seuthes: "Was he hostile or friendly? also, would they have to

march through the Sacred mountain (1), or round about through the

middle of Thrace?"

(1) So the mountain-range is named which runs parallel to the

Propontis (Sea of Marmora) from lat. 41 degrees N. circa to lat.

40 degrees 30'; from Bisanthe (Rhodosto) to the neck of the

Chersonese (Gallipoli).

While they were discussing these points, the soldiers snatched up

their arms and made a rush full speed at the gates, with the intention

of getting inside the fortification again. But Eteonicus and his men,

seeing the heavy infantry coming up at a run promptly closed the gates

and thrust in the bolt pin. Then the soldiers fell to battering the

gates, exclaiming that it was iniquitous to thrust them forth in this

fashion into the jaws of their enemies. "If you do not of your own

accord open the gates," they cried, "we will split them in half"; and

another set rushed down to the sea, and so along the break-water and

over the wall into the city; while a third set, consisting of those

few who were still inside, having never left the city, seeing the

affair at the gates, severed the bars with axes and flung the portals

wide open; and the rest came pouring in.

Xenophon, seeing what was happening, was seized with alarm lest the

army betake itself to pillage, and ills incurable be wrought to the

city, to himself, and to the soldiers. Then he set off, and, plunging

into the throng, was swept through the gates with the crowd. The

Byzantines no sooner saw the soldiers forcibly rushing in than they

left the open square, and fled, some to the shipping, others to their

homes, while those already indoors came racing out, and some fell to

dragging down their ships of war, hoping possibly to be safe on board

these; while there was not a soul who doubted but that the city was 19

taken, and that they were all undone. Eteonicus made a swift retreat

to the citadel. Anaxibius ran down to the sea, and, getting on board a

fisherman's smack, sailed round to the acropolis, and at once sent off

to fetch over the garrison troops from Chalcedon, since those already

in the acropolis seemed hardly sufficient to keep the men in check.

The soldiers, catching sight of Xenophon, threw themselves upon him,

crying: "Now, Xenophon, is the time to prove yourself a man. You have

got a city, you have got triremes, you have got money, you have got

men; to-day, if you only chose, you can do us a good turn, and we will

make you a great man." He replied: "Nay, I like what you say, and I

will do it all; but if that is what you have set your hearts on, fall

into rank and take up position at once." This he said, wishing to

quiet them, and so passed the order along the lines himself, while

bidding the rest to do the same: "Take up position; stand easy." But

the men themselves, by a species of self-marshalling, fell into rank,

and were soon formed, the heavy infantry eight deep, while the light

infantry had run up to cover either wing. The Thracian Square, as it

is called, is a fine site for manouvering, being bare of buildings and

level. As soon as the arms were stacked and the men's tempers cooled,

Xenophon called a general meeting of the soldiers, and made the

following speech:--

"Soldiers, I am not surprised at your wrath, or that you deem it

monstrous treatment so to be cheated; but consider what will be the

consequences if we gratify our indignation, and in return for such

deception, avenge ourselves on the Lacedaemonians here present, and

plunder an innocent city. We shall be declared enemies of the

Lacedaemonians and their allies; and what sort of war that will be, we

need not go far to conjecture. I take it, you have not forgotten some

quite recent occurrences. We Athenians entered into war against the

Lacedaemonians and their allies with a fleet consisting of not less

than three hundred line-of-battle ships, including those in dock as

well as those afloat. We had vast treasures stored up in the city, and

a yearly income which, derived from home or foreign sources, amounted

to no less than a thousand talents. Our empire included all the 27

islands, and we were possessed of numerous cities both in Asia and in

Europe. Amongst others, this very Byzantium, where we are now, was

ours; and yet in the end we were vanquished, as you all very well

know.

"What, must we anticipate, will now be our fate? The Lacedaemonians

have not only their old allies, but the Athenians and those who were

at that time allies of Athens are added to them. Tissaphernes and all

the rest of the Asiatics on the seaboard are our foes, not to speak of

our arch-enemy, the king himself, up yonder, whom we came to deprive

of his empire, and to kill, if possible. I ask then, with all these

banded together against us, is there any one so insensate as to

imagine that we can survive the contest? For heaven's sake, let us not

go mad or loosely throw away our lives in war with our own native

cities--nay, our own friends, our kith and our kin; for in one or

other of the cities they are all included. Every city will march

against us, and not unjustly, if, after refusing to hold one single

barbarian city by right of conquest, we seize the first Hellenic city

that we come to and make it a ruinous heap. For my part, my prayer is

that before I see such things wrought by you, I, at any rate, may lie

ten thousand fathoms under ground! My counsel to you, as Hellenes, is

to try and obtain your just rights, through obedience to those who

stand at the head of Hellas; and if so be that you fail in those

demands, why, being more sinned against than sinning, need we rob

ourselves of Hellas too? At present, I propose that we should send to

Anaxibius and tell him that we have made an entrance into the city,

not meditating violence, but merely to discover if he and his will

show us any good; for if so, it is well; but of otherwise, at least we

will let him see that he does not shut the door upon us as dupes and

fools. We know the meaning of discipline; we turn our backs and go."

This resolution was passed, and they sent Hieronymus an Eleian, with

two others, Eurylochus an Arcadian and Philesius an Achaean, to

deliver the message. So these set off on their errand. But while the

soldiers were still seated in conclave, Coeratadas, of Thebes, 33

arrived. He was a Theban not in exile, but with a taste for

generalship, who made it his business to see if any city or nation

were in need of his services. Thus, on the present occasion, he

presented himself, and begged to state that he was ready to put

himself at their head, and lead them into the Delta of Thrace (2), as

it is called, where they would find themselves in a land of plenty;

but until they got there, he would provide them with meat and drink

enough and to spare. While they were still listening to this tale, the

return message from Anaxibius came. His answer was: "The discipline,

they had spoken of, was not a thing they would regret; indeed he would

report their behaviour to the authorities at home; and for himself, he

would take advice and do the best he could for them."

(2) The exact locality, so called, is not known; doubtless it lay

somewhere between Byzantium and Salmydessus, possibly at Declus

(mod. Derkos); or possibly the narrow portion of Thrace between

the Euxine, Bosphorus, and Propontis went by this name. See note

in Pretor ad. loc., and "Dict. Geog." "Thracia."

Thereupon the soldiers accepted Coeratadas as their general, and

retired without the walls. Their new general undertook to present

himself to the troops next day with sacrificial beasts and a

soothsayer, with eatables also and drinkables for the army. Now, as

soon as they were gone out, Anaxibius closed the gates and issued a

proclamation to the effect that "any of the soldiers caught inside

should be knocked down to the hammer and sold at once." Next day,

Coeratadas arrived with the victims and the soothsayer. A string of

twenty bearers bearing barleymeal followed at his heels, succeeded by

other twenty carrying wine, and three laden with a supply of olives,

and two others carrying, the one about as much garlic as a single man

could lift, and the other a similar load of onions. These various

supplies he set down, apparently for distribution, and began to

sacrifice.

Now Xenophon sent to Cleander, begging him to arrange matters so that

he might be allowed to enter the walls, with a view to starting from

Byzantium on his homeward voyage. Cleander came, and this is what he 39

said: "I have come; but I was barely able to arrange what you want.

Anaxibius insisted: 'It was not convenient that Xenophon should be

inside while the soldiers are close to the walls without; the

Byzantines at sixes and sevens moreover; and no love lost between the

one party of them and the other.' Still, he ended by bidding you to

come inside, if you were really minded to leave the town by sea with

himself." Accordingly Xenophon bade the soldiers good-bye, and

returned with Cleander within the walls.

To return to Coeratadas. The first day he failed to get favourable

signs at the sacrifice, and never a dole of rations did he make to the

soldiers. On the second day the victims were standing ready near the

altar, and so was Coeratadas, with chaplet crowned, all ready to

sacrifice, when up comes Timasion the Dardanian, with Neon the

Asinaean, and Cleanor of Orchomenus, forbidding Coeratadas to

sacrifice: "He must understand there was an end to his generalship,

unless he gave them provisions." The other bade them measure out the

supplies, "Pray, dole them out." But when he found that he had a good

deal short of a single day's provisions for each man, he picked up his

paraphernalia of sacrifice and withdrew. As to being general, he would

have nothing more to say to it.

II

Now these five were left--Neon the Asinaean, Phryniscus the Achaean, 1

Philesius the Achaean, Xanthicles the Achaean, Timasion the

Dardanian--at the head of the army, and they pushed on to some

villages of the Thracians facing Byzantium, and there encamped. Now

the generals could not agree. Cleanor and Phryniscus wished to march

to join Seuthes, who had worked upon their feelings by presenting one

with a horse and the other with a woman to wife. But Neon's object was

to come to the Chersonese: "When we are under the wing of the

Lacedaemonians," he thought, "I shall step to the front and command

the whole army."

Timasion's one ambition was to cross back again into Asia, hoping to

be reinstated at home and end his exile. The soldiers shared the

wishes of the last general. But, as time dragged on, many of the men

sold their arms at different places and set sail as best they could;

others (actually gave away their arms, some here, some there, and (1)) 3

became absorbed in the cities. One man rejoiced. This was Anaxibius,

to whom the break-up of the army was a blessing. "That is the way," he

said to himself, "I can best gratify Pharnabazus."

(1) The MSS. give the words so rendered--{oi de kai (didontes ta opla

kata tous khorous)}, which some critics emend {diadidontes},

others bracket as suspected, others expunge.

But Anaxibius, while prosecuting his voyage from Byzantium, was met at

Cyzicus by Aristarchus, the new governor, who was to succeed Cleander

at Byzantium; and report said that a new admiral, Polus, if he had not

actually arrived, would presently reach the Hellespont and relieve

Anaxibius. The latter sent a parting injunction to Aristarchus to be

sure and sell all the Cyreian soldiers he could lay hands on still

lingering in Byzantium; for Cleander had not sold a single man of

them; on the contrary, he had made it his business to tend the sick

and wounded, pitying them, and insisting on their being received in

the houses. Aristarchus changed all that, and was no sooner arrived in

Byzantium than he sold no less than four hundred of them. Meanwhile

Anaxibius, on his coasting voyage, reached Parium, and, according to

the terms of their agreement, he sent to Pharnabazus. But the latter,

learning that Aristarchus was the new governor at Byzantim, and that

Anixibius had ceased to be admiral, turned upon him a cold shoulder,

and set out concocting the same measures concerning the Cyreian army

with Aristarchus, as he had lately been at work upon with Anaxibius.

Anaxibius thereupon summoned Xenophon and bade him, by every manner of

means, sail to the army with the utmost speed, and keep it together.

"He was to collect the scattered fragments and march them down to

Perinthus, and thence convey them across to Asia without loss of

time." And herewith he put a thirty-oared galley at his service, and

gave him a letter of authority and an officer to accompany him, with

an order to the Perinthians "to escort Xenophon without delay on

horseback to the army." So it was that Xenophon sailed across and

eventually reached the army. The soldiers gave him a joyous welcome,

and would have been only too glad to cross from Thrace into Asia under

his leadership.

But Seuthes, hearing that Xenophon had arrived, sent Medosades again, 10

by sea to meet him, and begged him to bring the army to him; and

whatever he thought would make his speech persuasive, he was ready to

promise him. But the other replied, that none of these things were

open to him to do; and with this answer Medosades departed, and the

Hellenes proceeded to Perinthus. Here on arrival Neon withdrew his

troops and encamped apart, having about eight hundred men; while the

remainder of the army lay in one place under the walls of Perinthus.

After this, Xenophon set himself to find vessels, so as to lose no

time in crossing. But in the interval Aristarchus, the governor from

Byzantium, arrived with a couple of war-ships, being moved to do so by

Pharnabazus. To make doubly sure, he first forbade the skippers and

shipmasters to carry the troops across, and then he visited the camp

and informed the soldiers that their passage into Asia was forbidden.

Xenophon replied that he was acting under the orders of Anaxibius, who

had sent him thither for this express purpose; to which Aristarchus

retorted, "For the matter of that, Anaxibius is no longer admiral, and

I am governor in this quarter; if I catch any of you at sea, I will

sink you." With these remarks he retired within the walls of

Perinthus.

Next day, he sent for the generals and officers of the army. They had

already reached the fortification walls, when some one brought word to

Xenophon that if he set foot inside, he would be seized, and either

meet some ill fate there or more likely be delivered up to

Pharnabazus. On hearing this Xenophon sent forward the rest of the

party, but for himself pleaded that there was a sacrifice which he

wished to offer. In this way he contrived to turn back and consult the

victims, "Would the gods allow him to try and bring the army over to

Seuthes?" On the one hand it was plain that the idea of crossing over

to Asia in the face of this man with his ships of war, who meant to

bar the passage, was too dangerous. Nor did he altogether like the

notion of being blocked up in the Chersonese with an army in dire need

of everything; where, besides being at the beck and call of the 15

governor of the place, they would be debarred from the necessities of

life.

While Xenophon was thus employed, the generals and officers came back

with a message from Aristarchus, who had told them they might retire

for the present, but in the afternoon he would expect them. The former

suspicions of a plot had now ripened to a certainty. Xenophon meantime

had ascertained that the victims were favourable to his project. He

personally, and the army as a whole, might with safety proceed to

Seuthes, they seemed to say. Accordingly, he took with him Polycrates,

the Athenian captain, and from each of the generals, not including

Neon, some one man whom they could in each case trust, and in the

night they set off to visit the army of Seuthes, sixty furlongs

distant.

As they approached, they came upon some deserted watch-fires, and

their first impression was that Seuthes had shifted his position; but

presently perceiving a confused sound (the voices of Seuthes' people

signalling to one another), the explanation dawned on him: Seuthes

kept his watch-fires kindled in front of, instead of behind, his night

pickets, in order that the outposts, being in the dark, might escape

notice, their numbers and position thus being a mystery; whilst any

party approaching from the outside, so far from escaping notice,

would, through the glare of the fire, stand out conspicuously.

Perceiving how matters stood, Xenophon sent forward his interpreter,

who was one of the party, and bade him inform Seuthes that Xenophon

was there and craved conference with him. The others asked if he were

an Athenian from the army yonder, and no sooner had the interpreter

replied, "Yes, the same," than up they leapt and galloped off; and in

less time than it takes to tell a couple of hundred peltasts had come

up who seized and carried off Xenophon and those with him and brought

them to Seuthes. The latter was in a tower right well guarded, and

there were horses round it in a circle, standing all ready bitted and

bridled; for his alarm was so great that he gave his horses their

provender during the day (2), and during the nights he kept watch and 21

ward with the brutes thus bitted and bridled. It was stated in

explanation that in old days an ancestor of his, named Teres, had been

in this very country with a large army, several of whom he had lost at

the hands of the native inhabitants, besides being robbed of his

baggage train. The inhabitants of the country are Thynians, and they

are reputed to be far the most warlike set of fighters--especially at

night.

(2) I.e. "instead of letting them graze."

When they drew near, Seuthes bade Xenophon enter, and bring with him

any two he might choose. As soon as they were inside, they first

greeted one another warmly, and then, according to the Thracian

custom, pledged themselves in bowls of wine. There was further present

at the elbow of Seuthes, Medosades, who on all occasions acted as his

ambassador-in-chief. Xenophon took the initiative and spoke as

follows: "You have sent to me, Seuthes, once and again. On the first

occasion you sent Medosades yonder, to Chalcedon, and you begged me to

use my influence in favour of the army crossing over from Asia. You

promised me, in return for this conduct on my part, various

kindnesses; at least that is what Medosades stated"; and before

proceeding further he turned to Medosades and asked, "Is not that so?"

The other assented. "Again, on a second occasion, the same Medosades

came when I had crossed over from Parium to rejoin the army; and he

promised me that if I would bring you the army, you would in various

respects treat me as a friend and brother. He said especially with

regard to certain seaboard places of which you are the owner and lord,

that you were minded to make me a present of them." At this point he

again questioned Medosades, "Whether the words attributed to him were

exact?" and Medosades once more fully assented. "Come now," proceeded

Xenophon, "recount what answer I made you, and first at Chalcedon."

"You answered that the army was, in any case, about to cross over to

Byzantium; and as far as that went, there was no need to pay you or

any one else anything; and for yourself, you added, that once across

you were minded to leave the army, which thing came to pass even as

you said." "Well! what did I say," he asked, "at your next visit, when 28

you came to me in Selybria?" "You said that the proposal was

impossible; you were all going to Perinthus to cross into Asia."

"Good," said Xenophon, "and in spite of it all, at the present moment,

here I am myself, and Phryniscus, one of my colleagues, and Polycrates

yonder, a captain; and outside, to represent the other generals (all

except Neon the Laconian), the trustiest men they could find to send.

So that if you wish to give these transactions the seal of still

greater security, you have nothing to do but to summon them also; and

do you, Polycrates, go and say from me, that I bid them leave their

arms outside, and you can leave your own sword outside before you

enter with them on your return."

When Seuthes had heard so far, he interposed: "I should never mistrust

an Athenian, for we are relatives already (3), I know; and the best of

friends, I believe, we shall be." After that, as soon as the right men

entered, Xenophon first questioned Seuthes as to what use he intended

to make of the army, and he replied as follows: "Maesades was my

father; his sway extended over the Melanditae, the Thynians, and the

Tranipsae. Then the affairs of the Odrysians took a bad turn, and my

father was driven out of this country, and later on died himself of

sickness, leaving me to be brought up as an orphan at the court of

Medocus, the present king. But I, when I had grown to man's estate,

could not endure to live with my eyes fixed on another's board. So I

seated myself on the seat by him as a suppliant, and begged him to

give me as many men as he could spare, that I might wreak what

mischief I could on those who had driven us forth from our land; that

thus I might cease to live in dependence upon another's board, like a

dog watching his master's hand. In answer to my petition, he gave me 34

the men and the horses which you will see at break of day, and

nowadays I live with these, pillaging my own ancestral land. But if

you would join me, I think, with the help of heaven, we might easily

recover my empire. That is what I want of you." "Well then," said

Xenophon, "supposing we came, what should you be able to give us? the

soldiers, the officers, and the generals? Tell us that these witnesses

may report your answer." And he promised to give "to the common

soldiers a cyzicene (4), to a captain twice as much, and to a general

four times as much, with as much land as ever they liked, some yoke of

oxen, and a fortified place upon the seaboard." "But now supposing,"

said Xenophon, "we fail of success, in spite of our endeavours;

suppose any intimidation on the part of the Lacedaemonians should

arise; will you receive into your country any of us who may seek to

find a refuge with you?" He answered: "Nay, not only so, but I shall

look upon you as my brothers, entitled to share my seat, and the joint

possessors of all the wealth which we may be able to acquire. And to

you yourself, O Xenophon! I will give my daughter, and if you have a

daughter, I will buy her in Thracian fashion; and I will give you

Bisanthe as a dwelling-place, which is the fairest of all my

possessions on the seaboard (5)."

(3) Tradition said that the Thracians and Athenians were connected,

through the marriage of a former prince Tereus (or Teres) with

Procne, the daughter of Pandion. This old story, discredited by

Thucydides, ii. 29, is referred to in Arist. "Birds," 368 foll.

The Birds are about to charge the two Athenian intruders, when

Epops, king of the Birds, formerly Tereus, king of Thrace, but

long ago transformed into a hoopoe, intercedes in behalf of two

men, {tes emes gunaikos onte suggene kai phuleta}, "who are of my

lady's tribe and kin." As a matter of history, the Athenians had

in the year B.C. 431 made alliance with Sitalces, king of the

Odrysians (the son of Teres, the first founder of their empire),

and made his son, Sadocus, an Athenian citizen. Cf. Thuc. ib.;

Arist. Acharnians, 141 foll.

(4) A cyzicene monthly is to be understood.

(5) Bisanthe, one of the Ionic colonies founded by Samos, with the

Thracian name Rhaedestus (now Rodosto), strongly placed so as to

command the entrance into the Sacred mountain.

III

After listening to these proposals, they gave and accepted pledges of 1

good faith; and so the deputation rode off. Before day they were back

again in camp, and severally rendered a report to those who sent them.

At dawn Aristarchus again summoned the generals and officers, but the

latter resolved to have done with the visit to Aristarchus, and to

summon a meeting of the army. In full conclave the soldiers met, with

the exception of Neon's men, who remained about ten furlongs off. When

they were met together Xenophon rose, and made the following

announcement: "Men, Aristarchus with his ships of war hinders us from

sailing where we fain would go; it is not even safe to set foot on 3

board a vessel. But if he hinders us here, he hastens us there. 'Be

off to the Chersonese,' says he, 'force a passage through the Sacred

mountain.' If we master it and succeed in getting to that place, he

has something in store for us. He promises that he will not sell you

any more, as he did at Byzantium; you shall not be cheated again; you

shall have pay; he will no longer, as now, suffer you to remain in

want of provisions. That is his proposal. But Seuthes says that if you

will go to him he will treat you well. What you have now to consider

is, whether you will stay to debate this question, or leave its

settlement till we have gone up into a land of provisions. If you ask

me my opinion, it is this: Since here we have neither money to buy,

nor leave to take without money what we need, why should we not go up

into these villages where the right to help ourselves is conferred by

might? There, unhampered by the want of bare necessaries, you can

listen to what this man and the other wants of you and choose

whichever sounds best. Let those," he added, "who agree to this, hold

up their hands." They all held them up. "Retire then," said he, "and

get your kit together, and at the word of command, follow your

leader."

After this, Xenophon put himself at the head and the rest followed.

Neon, indeed, and other agents from Aristarchus tried to turn them

from their purpose, but to their persuasions they turned a deaf ear.

They had not advanced much more than three miles, when Seuthes met

them; and Xenophon, seeing him, bade him ride up. He wished to tell

him what they felt to be conducive to their interests, and in the

presence of as many witnesses as possible. As soon as he had

approached, Xenophon said: "We are going where the troops will have

enough to live upon; when we are there, we will listen to you and to

the emissaries of the Laconian, and choose between you both whatever

seems best. If then you will lead us where provisions are to be got in

plenty, we shall feel indebted to you for your hospitality." And

Seuthes answered: "For the matter of that, I know many villages,

close-packed and stocked with all kinds of provisions, just far enough 9

off to give you a good appetite for your breakfasts." "Lead on then!"

said Xenophon. When they had reached the villages in the afternoon,

the soldiers met, and Seuthes made the following speech: "My request

to you, sirs, is that you will take the field with me, and my promise

to you is that I will give every man of you a cyzicene, and to the

officers and generals at the customary rate; besides this I will

honour those who show special merit. Food and drink you shall get as

now for yourselves from the country; but whatever is captured, I shall

claim to have myself, so that by distribution of it I may provide you

with pay. Let them flee, let them creep into hiding-places, we shall

be able to pursue after them, we will track them out; or if they

resist, along with you we will endeavour to subdue them to our hands."

Xenophon inquired: "And how far from the sea shall you expect the army

to follow you?" "Nowhere more than seven days' journey," he answered,

"and in many places less."

After this, permission was given for all who wished to speak, and many

spoke, but ever to one and the same tune: "What Seuthes said, was very

right. It was winter, and for a man to sail home, even if he had the

will to do so, was impossible. On the other hand, to continue long in

a friendly country, where they must depend upon what they could

purchase, was equally beyond their power. If they were to wear away

time and support life in a hostile country, it was safer to do so with

Seuthes than by themselves, not to speak of all these good things; but

if they were going to get pay into the bargain, that indeed was a

godsend." To complete the proceedings, Xenophon said: "If any one

opposes the measure, let him state his views; if not, let the officer

put the proposition to the vote." No one opposed; they put it to the

vote, and the resolution was carried; and without loss of time, he

informed Seuthes that they would take the field with him.

After this the troops messed in their separate divisions, but the

generals and officers were invited by Seuthes to dinner at a

neighbouring village which was in his possession. When they were at

the doors, and on the point of stepping in to dinner, they were met by 16

a certain Heracleides, of Maronea (1). He came up to each guest,

addressing himself particularly to those who, as he conjectured, ought

to be able to make a present to Seuthes. He addressed himself first to

some Parians who were there to arrange a friendship with Medocus, the

king of the Odrysians, and were bearers of presents to the king and to

his wife. Heracleides reminded them: "Medocus is up country twelve

days' journey from the sea; but Seuthes, now that he has got this

army, will be lord on the sea-coast; as your neighbour, then, he is

the man to do you good or do you ill. If you are wise, you will give

him whatever he askes of you. On the whole, it will be laid out at

better interest than if you have it to Medocus, who lives so far off."

That was his mode of persuasion in their case. Next he came to

Timasion the Dardanian, who, some one had told him, was the happy

possessor of certain goblets and oriental carpets. What he said to him

was: "It is customary when people are invited to dinner by Seuthes for

the guests to make him a present; now if he should become a great

person in these parts, he will be able to restore you to your native

land, or to make you a rich man here." Such were the solicitations

which he applied to each man in turn whom he accosted. Presently he

came to Xenophon and said: "You are at once a citizen of no mean city,

and with Seuthes also your own name is very great. Maybe you expect to

obtain a fort or two in this country, just as others of your

countrymen have done (2), and territory. It is only right and proper

therefore that you should honour Seuthes in the most magnificent

style. Be sure, I give this advice out of pure friendliness, for I

know that the greater the gift that you are ready to bestow on him,

the better the treatment you will receive at his hands." Xenophon, on

hearing this, was in a sad dilemma, for he had brought with him, when

he crossed from Parium, nothing but one boy and just enough to pay his

travelling expenses.

(1) A Greek colony in Thrace. Among Asiatico-Ionian colonies were

Abdera, founded by Teos, and Maroneia, celebrated for its wine,

founded by Chios about 540 B.C.--Kiepert, "Man. Anct. Geog." viii.

182.

(2) Notably Alcibiades, who possessed two or three such fortresses.

As soon as the company, consisting of the most powerful Thracians 21

there present, with the generals and captains of the Hellenes, and any

embassy from a state which might be there, had arrived, they were

seated in a circle, and the dinner was served. Thereupon three-legged

stools were brought in and placed in front of the assembled guests.

They were laden with pieces of meat, piled up, and there were huge

leavened-loaves fastened on to the pieces of meat with long skewers.

The tables, as a rule, were set beside the guests at intervals. That

was the custom; and Seuthes set the fashion of the performance. He

took up the loaves which lay by his side and broke them into little

pieces, and then threw the fragments here to one and there to another

as seemed to him good; and so with the meat likewise, leaving for

himself the merest taste. Then the rest fell to following the fashion

set them, those that is who had tables placed beside them.

Now there was an Arcadian, Arystas by name, a huge eater; he soon got

tired of throwing the pieces about, and seized a good three-quarters

loaf in his two hands, placed some pieces of meat upon his knees, and

proceeded to discuss his dinner. Then beakers of wine were brought

round, and every one partook in turn; but when the cupbearer came to

Arystas and handed him the bowl, he looked up, and seeing that

Xenophon had done eating: "Give it him," quoth he, "he is more at

leisure. I have something better to do at present." Seuthes, hearing a

remark, asked the cupbearer what was said, and the cupbearer, who knew

how to talk Greek, explained. Then followed a peal of laughter.

When the drinking had advanced somewhat, in came a Thracian with a

white horse, who snatched the brimming bowl and said: "Here's a health

to thee, O Seuthes! Let me present thee with this horse. Mounted on

him, thou shalt capture whom thou choosest to pursue, or retiring from

battle, thou shalt not dread the foe." He was followed by one who

brought in a boy, and presented him in proper style with "Here's a

health to thee, O Seuthes!" A third had "clothes for his wife."

Timasion, the Dardanian, pledged Seuthes, and presented a silver

bowl (3) and a carpet worth ten minae. Gnesippus, an Athenian, got up 28

and said: "It was a good old custom, and a fine one too, that those

who had, should give to the king for honour's sake, but to those who

had not, the king should give; whereby, my lord," he added, "I too may

one day have the wherewithal to give thee gifts and honour." Xenophon

the while was racking his brains what he was to do; he was not the

happier because he was seated in the seat next Seuthes as a mark of

honour; and Heracleides bade the cupbearer hand him the bowl. The wine

had perhaps a little mounted to his head; he rose, and manfully seized

the cup, and spoke: "I also, Seuthes, have to present you with myself

and these my dear comrades to be your trusty friends, and not one of

them against his will. They are more ready, one and all, still more

than I, to be your friends. Here they are; they ask nothing from you

in return, rather they are forward to labour in your behalf; it will

be their pleasure to bear the brunt of battle in voluntary service.

With them, God willing, you will gain vast territory; you will recover

what was once your forefathers'; you will win for yourself new lands;

and not lands only, but horses many, and of men a multitude, and many

a fair dame besides. You will not need to seize upon them in robber

fashion; it is your friends here who, of their own accord, shall take

and bring them to you, they shall lay them at your feet as gifts." Up

got Seuthes and drained with him the cup, and with him sprinkled the

last drops fraternally (4).

(3) Or rather "saucer" ({phiale}).

(4) For the Thracian custom, vide Suidas, s.v. {kataskedazein}.

At this stage entered musicians blowing upon horns such as they use

for signal calls, and trumpeting on trumpets, made of raw oxhide,

tunes and airs, like the music of the double-octave harp (5). Seuthes

himself got up and shouted, trolling forth a war song; then he sprang

from his place and leapt about as though he would guard himself

against a missile, in right nimble style. Then came in a set of clowns

and jesters.

(5) Or, "magadis." This is said to have been one of the most perfect

instruments. It comprised two full octaves, the left hand playing

the same notes as the right an octave lower. Guhl and Koner, p.

203, Engl. transl. See also "Dict. Antiq." "Musica"; and Arist.

"Polit." xix. 18, {Dia ti e dia pason sumphonia adetai mone;

magasizousi gar tauten, allen de oudemian}, i.e. "since no

interval except the octave ({dia pason}) could be 'magidised' (the

effect of any other is well known to be intolerable), therefore no

other interval was employed at all."

But when the sun began to set, the Hellenes rose from their seats. It 33

was time, they said, to place the night sentinels and to pass the

watchword; further, they begged of Seuthes to issue an order that none

of the Thracians were to enter the Hellenic camp at night, "since

between your Thracian foes and our Thracian friends there might be

some confusion." As they sallied forth, Seuthes rose to accompany

them, like the soberest of men. When they were outside, he summoned

the generals apart and said: "Sirs, our enemies are not aware as yet

of our alliance. If, therefore, we attack them before they take

precautions not to be caught, or are prepared to repel assault, we

shall make a fine haul of captives and other stock." The generals

fully approved of these views, and bade him lead on. He answered:

"Prepare and wait; as soon as the right time comes I will be with you.

I shall pick up the peltasts and yourselves, and with the help of the

gods, I will lead on." "But consider one point," urged Xenophon; "if

we are to march by night, is not the Hellenic fashion best? When

marching in the daytime that part of the army leads the van which

seems best suited to the nature of the country to be traversed--heavy

or light infantry, or cavalry; but by night our rule is that the

slowest arm should take the lead. Thus we avoid the risk of being

pulled to pieces: and it is not so easy for a man to give his

neighbour the slip without intending, whereas the scattered fragments

of an army are apt to fall foul of one another, and to cause damage or

incur it in sheer ignorance." To this Seuthes replied: "You reason

well, and I will adopt your custom. I will furnish you with guides

chosen from the oldest experts of the country, and I will myself

follow with the cavalry in the rear; it will not take me long, if need

be, to present myself at the front." Then, for kinship's sake, they

chose "Athenaia (6)" as their watchword. With this, they turned and

sought repose.

(6) "Our Lady of Athens."

It was about midnight when Seuthes presented himself with his cavalry

troopers armed with corselets, and his light infantry under arms. As 40

soon as he had handed over to them the promised guides, the heavy

infantry took the van, followed by the light troops in the centre,

while the cavalry brought up the rear. At daybreak Seuthes rode up to

the front. He complimented them on their method: so often had he

himself, while marching by night with a mere handful of men, been

separated with his cavalry from his infantry. "But now," said he, "we

find ourselves at dawn of day all happily together, just as we ought

to be. Do you wait for me here," he proceeded, "and recruit

yourselves. I will take a look round and rejoin you." So saying he

took a certain path over hill and rode off. As soon as he had reached

deep snow, he looked to see whether there were footprints of human

beings leading forward or in the opposite direction; and having

satisfied himself that the road was untrodden, back he came,

exclaiming: "God willing, sirs, it will be all right; we shall fall on

the fellows, before they know where they are. I will lead on with the

cavalry; so that if we catch sight of any one, he shall not escape and

give warning to the enemy. Do you follow, and if you are left behind,

keep to the trail of the horses. Once on the other side of the

mountains, we shall find ourselves in numerous thriving villages."

By the middle of the day he had already gained the top of the pass and

looked down upon the villages below. Back he came riding to the heavy

infantry and said: "I will at once send off the cavalry into the plain

below, and the peltasts too, to attack the villages. Do you follow

with what speed you may, so that in case of resistance you may lend us

your aid." Hearing this, Xenophon dismounted, and the other asked:

"Why do you dismount just when speed is the thing we want?" The other

answered: "But you do not want me alone, I am sure. The hoplites will

run all the quicker and more cheerily if I lead them on foot."

Thereupon Seuthes went off, and Timasion with him, taking the Hellene

squadron of something like forty troopers. Then Xenophon passed the

order: the active young fellows up to thirty years of age from the

different companies to the front; and off with these he went himself,

bowling along (7); while Cleanor led the other Hellenes. When they had 46

reached the villages, Seuthes, with about thirty troopers, rode up,

exclaiming: "Well, Xenophon, this is just what you said! the fellows

are caught, but now look here. My cavalry have gone off unsupported;

they are scattered in pursuit, one here, one there, and upon my word,

I am more than half afraid the enemy will collect somewhere and do

them a mischief. Some of us must remain in the villages, for they are

swarming with human beings." "Well then," said Xenophon, "I will seize

the heights with the men I have with me, and do you bid Cleanor extend

his line along the level beside the villages." When they had done so,

there were enclosed--of captives for the slave market, one thousand;

of cattle, two thousand; and of other small cattle, ten thousand. For

the time being they took up quarters there.

(7) {etropkhaze}, a favourite word with our author. Herodotus uses it;

so does Aristot.; so also Polybius; but the Atticists condemn it,

except of course in poetry.