The Apology

Xenophon

"The Apology" by Xenophon is a Socratic dialogue written about the trial of Socrates in 399 BC. The work presents Socrates's legal defense against charges of corrupting Athenian youth and impiety. Based on accounts from Hermogenes, who attended the trial, Xenophon portrays Socrates's boastful speaking manner as deliberate strategy. The philosopher argues that death is preferable to senility and humbling oneself before unjust persecution. This interpretation contrasts notably with Plato's more famous account of the same trial.

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THE APOLOGY

By Xenophon

Translation by H. G. Dakyns

Xenophon the Athenian was born 431 B.C. He was a

pupil of Socrates. He marched with the Spartans,

and was exiled from Athens. Sparta gave him land

and property in Scillus, where he lived for many

years before having to move once more, to settle

in Corinth. He died in 354 B.C.

The Apology describes Socrates' state of mind at

his trial and execution, and especially his view

that it was better to die before senility set in

than to escape execution by humbling himself be-

fore an unjust persecution. Xenophon was away at

the time, involved in the events of the march of

the ten thousand.

PREPARER'S NOTE

This was typed from Dakyns' series, "The Works of Xenophon," a

four-volume set. The complete list of Xenophon's works (though

there is doubt about some of these) is:

Work Number of books

The Anabasis 7

The Hellenica 7

The Cyropaedia 8

The Memorabilia 4

The Symposium 1

The Economist 1

On Horsemanship 1

The Sportsman 1

The Cavalry General 1

The Apology 1

On Revenues 1

The Hiero 1

The Agesilaus 1

The Polity of the Athenians and the Lacedaemonians 2

Text in brackets "{}" is my transliteration of Greek text into

English using an Oxford English Dictionary alphabet table. The

diacritical marks have been lost.

THE APOLOGY OF SOCRATES [1]

Among the reminiscences of Socrates, none, as it seems to me, is more

deserving of record than the counsel he took with himself [2] (after

being cited to appear before the court), not only with regard to his

defence, but also as to the ending of his life. Others have written on

this theme, and all without exception have touched upon [3] the lofty

style of the philosopher, [4] which may be taken as a proof that the

language used by Socrates was really of that type. But none of these

writers has brought out clearly the fact that Socrates had come to

regard death as for himself preferable to life; and consequently there

is just a suspicion of foolhardiness in the arrogancy of his

address. [5] We have, however, from the lips of one of his intimate

acquaintances, Hermogenes, [6] the son of Hipponicus, an account of him

which shows the high demeanour in question to have been altogether in

keeping with the master's rational purpose. [7] Hermogenes says that,

seeing Socrates discoursing on every topic rather than that of his

impending trial, he roundly put it to him whether he ought not to be

debating the line of his defence, to which Socrates in the first

instance answered: "What! do I not seem to you to have spent my whole

life in meditating my defence?" And when Hermogenes asked him, "How?"

he added: "By a lifelong persistence in doing nothing wrong, and that

I take to be the finest practice for his defence which a man could

devise." Presently reverting to the topic, Hermogenes demanded: "Do

you not see, Socrates, how often Athenian juries [8] are constrained by

arguments to put quite innocent people to death, and not less often to

acquit the guilty, either through some touch of pity excited by the

pleadings, or that the defendant had skill to turn some charming

phrase?" Thus appealed to, Socrates replied: "Nay, solemnly I tell

you, twice already I have essayed to consider my defence, and twice

the divinity [9] hinders me"; and to the remark of Hermogenes, "That is

strange!" he answered again: "Strange, do you call it, that to God it

should seem better for me to die at once? Do you not know that up to

this moment I will not concede to any man to have lived a better life

than I have; since what can exceed the pleasure, which has been mine,

of knowing [10] that my whole life has been spent holily and justly?

And indeed this verdict of self-approval I found re-echoed in the

opinion which my friends and intimates have formed concerning me. [11]

And now if my age is still to be prolonged, [12] I know that I cannot

escape paying [13] the penalty of old age, in increasing dimness of

sight and dulness of hearing. I shall find myself slower to learn new

lessons, and apter to forget the lessons I have learnt. And if to

these be added the consciousness of failing powers, the sting of

self-reproach, what prospect have I of any further joy in living? It

may be, you know," he added, "that God out of his great kindness is

intervening in my behalf [14] to suffer me to close my life in the

ripeness of age, and by the gentlest of deaths. For if at this time

sentence of death be passed upon me, it is plain I shall be allowed to

meet an end which, in the opinion of those who have studied the

matter, is not only the easiest in itself, but one which will cause

the least trouble to one's friends, [15] while engendering the deepest

longing for the departed. For of necessity he will only be thought of

with regret and longing who leaves nothing behind unseemly or

discomfortable to haunt the imagination of those beside him, but,

sound of body, and his soul still capable of friendly repose, fades

tranquilly away."

"No doubt," he added, "the gods were right in opposing me at that time

(touching the inquiry, what I was to say in my defence), [16] when you

all thought the great thing was to discover some means of

acquittal; [17] since, had I effected that, it is clear I should have

prepared for myself, not that surcease from life which is in store for

me anon, but to end my days wasted by disease, or by old age, on which

a confluent stream of evil things most alien to joyousness

converges." [18]

"No," he added, "God knows I shall display no ardent zeal to bring

that about. [19] On the contrary, if by proclaiming all the blessings

which I owe to god and men; if, by blazoning forth the opinion which I

entertain with regard to myself, I end by wearying the court, even so

will I choose death rather than supplicate in servile sort for leave

to live a little longer merely to gain a life impoverished in place of

death."

It was in this determination, Hermogenes states, that, when the

prosecution accused him of not recognising the gods recognised by the

state, but introducing novel divinities and corrupting the young,

Socrates stepped forward and said: "In the first place, sirs, I am at

a loss to imagine on what ground [20] Meletus asserts that I do not

recognise the gods which are recognised by the state, since, as far as

sacrificing goes, the rest of the world who have chanced to be present

have been in the habit of seeing me so engaged at common festivals,

and on the public altars; and so might Meletus himself, if he had

wished. And as to novel divinities, how, pray, am I supposed to

introduce them by stating that I have a voice [21] from God which

clearly signifies to me what I ought do do? Why, what else do those

who make use of the cries of birds or utterances of men draw their

conclusions from if not from voices? Who will deny that the thunder

has a voice and is a very mighty omen; [22] and the priestess on her

tripod at Pytho, [23] does not she also proclaim by voice the messages

from the god? The god, at any rate, has foreknowledge, and premonishes

those whom he will of what is about to be. That is a thing which all

the world believes and asserts even as I do. Only, when they describe

these premonitions under the name of birds and utterances, tokens [24]

and soothsayers, I speak of a divinity, and in using that designation

I claim to speak at once more exactly and more reverentially than they

do who ascribe the power of the gods to birds. And that I am not lying

against the Godhead I have this as a proof: although I have reported

to numbers of friends the counsels of heaven, I have never at any time

been shown to be a deceiver or deceived."

As they listened to these words the judges murmured their dissent,

some as disbelieving what was said, and others out of simple envy that

Socrates should actually receive from heaven more than they

themselves; whereupon Socrates returned to the charge. "Come," he

said, "lend me your ears while I tell you something more, so that

those of you who choose may go to a still greater length in refusing

to believe that I am thus highly honoured by the divine powers.

Chaerephon [25] once, in the presence of many witnesses, put a question

at Delhi concerning me, and Apollo answered that there was no human

being more liberal, or more upright, or more temperate than myself."

And when once more on hearing these words the judges gave vent, as was

only natural, to a fiercer murmur of dissent, Socrates once again

spoke: "Yet, sirs, they were still greater words which the god spake

in oracle concerning Lycurgus, [26] the great lawgiver of Lacedaemon,

than those concerning me. It is said that as he entered the temple the

god addressed him with the words: 'I am considering whether to call

thee god or man.' Me he likened not indeed to a god, but in

excellence [27] preferred me far beyond other men."

"Still I would not have you accept this even on the faith of the god

too rashly; rather I would have you investigate, point by point, what

the god has said. I ask you, is there any one [28] else, you know of,

less enslaved than myself to the appetites [29] of the body? Can you

name another man of more independent spirit than myself, seeing that I

accept from no one either gifts or pay? Whom have you any right to

believe to be more just [30] than one so suited with what he has, that

the things of others excite no craving in him? [31] Whom would one

reasonably deem wise, rather than such a one as myself, who, from the

moment I began to understand things spoken, [32] have never omitted to

inquire into and learn every good thing in my power? And that I

laboured not in vain, what more conclusive evidence than the fact that

so many of my fellow-citizens who make virtue their pursuit, and many

strangers also, choose my society in preference to that of others? [33]

And how are we to explain the fact that though all know well enough

that I am wholly unable to repay them in money, so many are eager to

present me with some gift? [34] And what do you make of this--while no

one dreams of dunning me for benefits conferred, hosts of people

acknowledge debts of gratitude to myself? And what of this, that

during the siege, [35] while others were pitying themselves [36] I lived

in no greater straits than when the city was at the height of her

prosperity? and of this, that while others provide themselves with

delicacies [37] of the market at great cost, mine are the dainties of

the soul more sweet than theirs, [38] procured without expense? If in

all I have said about myself no one can convict me of lying, is it not

obvious that the praise I get from gods and men is justly earned? And

yet in spite of all, Meletus, you will have it that by such habits I

corrupt the young. We know, I fancy, what such corrupting influences

are; and perhaps you will tell us if you know of any one who, under my

influence, has been changed from a religious into an irreligious man;

who, from being sober-minded, has become prodigal; from being a

moderate drinker has become a wine-bibber and a drunkard; from being a

lover of healthy honest toil has become effeminate, or under the

thrall of some other wicked pleasure."

"Nay, bless my soul," exclaimed Meletus, "I know those whom you

persuaded to obey yourself rather than the fathers who begat

them." [39]

"I admit it," Socrates replied, "in the case of education, for they

know that I have made the matter a study; and with regard to health a

man prefers to obey his doctor rather than his parents; in the public

assembly the citizens of Athens, I presume, obey those whose arguments

exhibit the soundest wisdom rather than their own relations. And is it

not the case that, in your choice of generals, you set your fathers

and brothers, and, bless me! your own selves aside, by comparison with

those whom you believe to be the wisest authorities on military

matters?"

"No doubt, Socrates," replied Meletus, "because it is expedient and

customary so to do."

"Well then," rejoined Socrates, "does it not strike even you, Meletus,

as wonderful when in all ordinary concerns the best people should

obtain, I do not say only an equal share, but an exclusive preference;

but in my case, simply because I am selected by certain people as an

adept in respect of the greatest treasure men possess--education, I am

on that account to be prosecuted by you, sir, on the capital charge?"

Much more than this, it stands to reason, was urged, whether by

himself or by the friends who advocated his cause. [40] But my object

has not been to mention everything that arose out of the suit. It

suffices me to have shown on the one hand that Socrates, beyond

everything, desired not to display impiety to heaven, [41] and

injustice to men; and on the other, that escape from death was not a

thing, in his opinion, to be clamoured for importunately--on the

contrary, he believed that the time was already come for him to die.

That such was the conclusion to which he had come was made still more

evident later when the case had been decided against him. In the first

place, when called upon to suggest a counter-penalty, [42] he would

neither do so himself nor suffer his friends to do so for him, but

went so far as to say that to propose a counter-penalty was like a

confession of guilt. And afterwards, when his companions wished to

steal him out of prison, [43] he would not follow their lead, but would

seem to have treated the idea as a jest, by asking "whether they

happened to know of some place outside Attica where death was

forbidden to set foot?"

When the trial drew to an end, we are told, the master said: [44]

"Sirs, those who instructed the witnesses that they ought to perjure

themselves and bear false witness against me, alike with those who

listened to their instruction, must be conscious to themselves of a

deep impiety and injustice. [45] But for myself, what reason have I at

the present time to hold my head less high than I did before sentence

was passed against me, if I have not been convicted of having done any

of those things whereof my accusers accused me? It has not been proved

against me that I have sacrificed to novel divinities in place of Zeus

and Hera and the gods who form their company. I have not taken oath by

any other gods, nor named their name.

"And then the young--how could I corrupt them by habituating them to

manliness and frugality? since not even my accusers themselves allege

against me that I have committed any of those deeds [46] of which death

is the penalty, such as robbery of temples, [47] breaking into houses,

selling freemen into slavery, or betrayal of the state; so that I must

still ask myself in wonderment how it has been proved to you that I

have done a deed worthy of death. Nor yet again because I die

innocently is that a reason why I should lower my crest, for that is a

blot not upon me but upon those who condemned me.

"For me, I find a certain consolation in the case of Palamedes, [48]

whose end was not unlike my own; who still even to-day furnishes a far

nobler theme of song than Odysseus who unjustly slew him; and I know

that testimony will be borne to me also by time future and time past

that I never wronged another at any time or ever made a worse man of

him, [49] but ever tried to benefit those who practised discussion with

me, teaching them gratuitously every good thing in my power."

Having so said he turned and went in a manner quite in conformity [50]

with the words which he had spoken--so bright an air was discernible

alike in the glance of his eye, his gesture, and his step.

And when he perceived those who followed by his side in tears, "What

is this?" he asked. "Why do you weep now? [51] Do you not know that for

many a long day, ever since I was born, sentence of death was passed

upon me by nature? If so be I perish prematurely while the tide of

life's blessings flows free and fast, certainly I and my well-wishers

should feel pained; but if it be that I am bringing my life to a close

on the eve of troubles, for my part I think you ought all of you to

take heart of grace and rejoice in my good fortune."

Now there was a certain Apollodorus, [52] who was an enthusiastic lover

of the master, but for the rest a simple-minded man. He exclaimed very

innocently, "But the hardest thing of all to bear, Socrates, is to see

you put to death unjustly." [53]

Whereupon Socrates, it is said, gently stroked the young man's head:

"Would you have been better pleased, my dear one, to see me put to

death for some just reason rather than unjustly?" and as he spoke he

smiled tenderly. [54]

It is also said that, seeing Anytus [55] pass by, Socrates remarked:

"How proudly the great man steps; he thinks, no doubt, he has

performed some great and noble deed in putting me to death, and all

because, seeing him deemed worthy of the highest honours of the state,

I told him it ill became him to bring up his so in a tan-yard. [56]

What a scamp the fellow is! he appears not to know that of us two

whichever has achieved what is best and noblest for all future time is

the real victor in this suit. Well! well!" he added, "Homer [57] has

ascribed to some at the point of death a power of forecasting things

to be, and I too am minded to utter a prophecy. Once, for a brief

space, I associated with the son of Anytus, and he seemed to me not

lacking in strength of soul; and what I say is, he will not adhere

long to the slavish employment which his father has prepared for him,

but, in the absence of any earnest friend and guardian, he is like to

be led into some base passion and go to great lengths in depravity."

The prophecy proved true. The young man fell a victim to the pleasures

of wine; night and day he never ceased drinking, and at last became a

mere good-for-nothing, worthless alike to his city, his friends, and

himself. As to Anytus, even though the grave has closed upon him, his

evil reputation still survives him, due alike to his son's base

bringing-up and his own want of human feeling.

Socrates did, it is true, by his self-laudation draw down upon him the

jealousy of the court and caused his judges all the more to record

their votes against him. Yet even so I look upon the lot of destiny

which he obtained as providential, [58] chancing as he did upon the

easiest amidst the many shapes of death, [59] and escaping as he did

the one grievous portion of existence. And what a glorious chance,

moreover, he had to display the full strength of his soul, for when

once he had decided that death was better for him than life, just as

in the old days he had never harshly opposed himself to the good

things of life morosely, [60] so even in face of death he showed no

touch of weakness, but with gaiety welcomed death's embrace, and

discharged life's debt.

For myself indeed, as I lay to mind the wisdom of the man and his

nobility, I can neither forget him nor, remembering him, forbear to

praise him. But if any of those who make virtue their pursuit have

ever met a more helpful friend than Socrates, I tender such an one my

congratulations as a most enviable man.

Footnotes:

[Footnote 1: Or, "Socrates' Defence before the Dicasts." For the title

of the work see Grote, "H. G." viii. 641; Schneid. ap. L. Dindorf's note

{pros tous dikastas}, ed. Ox. 1862, and Dindorf's own note; L. Schmitz,

"On the Apology of Socrates, commonly attributed to Xenophon," "Class.

Mus." v. 222 foll.; G. Sauppe, "Praef." vol. iii. p. 117, ed. ster.; J.

J. Hartman, "An. Xen." p. 111 foll.; E. Richter, "Xen. Stud." pp. 61-96;

M. Schanz, "Platos Apologia."]

[Footnote 2: Or possibly, "his deliberate behaviour."]

[Footnote 3: Or, "have succeeded in hitting off"; "done full justice

to."]

[Footnote 4: Or, "the magniloquence of the master."]

[Footnote 5: Or, "so that according to them his lofty speech seems

rather foolhardy."]

[Footnote 6: See "Mem." IV. viii. 4 foll., a passage of which this is

either an "ebauchement" or a "rechauffe."]

[Footnote 7: Or, "the philosopher's cast of thought."]

[Footnote 8: Dikasteries.]

[Footnote 9: {to daimonion}.]

[Footnote 10: {edein}, i.e. at any moment.]

[Footnote 11: For the phrase {iskhuros agamenos emauton}, cf. "Mem." II.

i. 19.]

[Footnote 12: L. Dindorf cf. Dio Chrys. "Or." 28, {anagke gar auto en

probainonti anti men kallistou aiskhrotero gignesthai k.t.l.}]

[Footnote 13: {apoteleisthai}. In "Mem." IV. viii. 8, {epiteleisthai}.]

[Footnote 14: Or, "God of his good favour vouchsafes as my protector

that I should," etc. For {proxenei} cf. "Anab." VI. v. 14; Soph. "O. C."

465, and "O. T." 1483; and Prof. Jebb's notes ad loc. "the god's kindly

offices grant to me that I should lose my life."]

[Footnote 15: Cf. Plat. "Phaed." 66.]

[Footnote 16: {te tou logou episkepsei}. Cf. Plat. "Rep." 456 C.]

[Footnote 17: Or, if {emin}, transl. "we all were for thinking that the

main thing was."]

[Footnote 18: Or, "that sink into which a confluent stream of evil

humours discharge most incompatible with gaiety of mind." Schneid. conj.

{eremon} sc. {geras}.]

[Footnote 19: Or, "I will give no helping hand to that."]

[Footnote 20: Cf. "Mem." I. i. 2.]

[Footnote 21: Cf. Plat. "Apol." 19.]

[Footnote 22: Cf. "Anab." III. ii. 11; Aristoph. "Birds," 720.]

[Footnote 23: Delphi.]

[Footnote 24: Or, "the objects that meet us." See Prof. Jebb ad Theophr.

"Ch." xxviii. 5.]

[Footnote 25: L. Dindorf cf. Athen. v. 218 E; Hermesianax ap. Athen.

xiii. 599 A; Liban. vol. iii. pp. 34, 35; Plat. "Apol." 21 A; Paus. i.

22. 8; Schol. ad Aristoph. "Clouds," 144; Grote, "H. G." viii. 567

foll.]

[Footnote 26: See Herod. i. 65:

{ekeis, o Lukoorge, emon pori piona neon,

Zeni philos kai pasin 'Olumpia domat' ekhousi

dizo e se theon manteusomai e anthropon.

all' eti kai mallon theon elpomai, o Lukoorge.}

Cf. Plut. "Lyc." 5 (Clough, i. 89).]

[Footnote 27: Or, "gave judgment beforehand that I far excelled."]

[Footnote 28: Lit. "whom do you know," and so throughout.]

[Footnote 29: Cf. Plat. "Phaed." 66 C.]

[Footnote 30: Or, "so attempered and adjusted." The phrase savours of

"cynic." theory.]

[Footnote 31: Or, "present no temptation to him"; lit. "that he stands

in no further need of what belongs to his neighbours."]

[Footnote 32: {ta legomena}, "the meaning of words and the force of

argument."]

[Footnote 33: {ek panton}. Cf. Thuc. i. 120, {osper kai en allois ek

panton protimontai (oi egemones)}, "as they (leaders) are first in

honour, they should be first in the fulfilment of their duties"

(Jowett).]

[Footnote 34: The commentators quote Libanius, "Apol." vol. iii. p. 39,

{kai dia touto ekalei men Eurulokhos o Kharistios, ekalei de Skopas k

Kranonios, oukh ekista lontes, upiskhnoumenoi}. Cf. Diog. Laert. ii. 31,

{Kharmidou oiketas auto didontos, in' ap' auton prosodeuoito, oukh

eileto}. Cf. id. 65, 74.]

[Footnote 35: See "Hell." II. ii. 10.]

[Footnote 36: {oikteirein eautous}. See L. Dind. ad loc. For an incident

in point see "Mem." II. vii.]

[Footnote 37: Plat. "Rep." iii. 404 D, "refinements of Attic

confectionery."]

[Footnote 38: {ek tes psukhes}, possibly "by a healthy appetite." Cf.

"Symp." iv. 41. The same sentiment "ex ore Antisthenis." See Joel, op.

cit. i. 382; Schanz, Plat. "Apol." p. 88, S. 26.]

[Footnote 39: Cf. "Mem." I. ii. 49.]

[Footnote 44: {eipein auton [autos(?)]}, i.e. "according to

Hermiogenes."]

[Footnote 45: Or, "must have a heavy load on their minds in the

consciousness of their impiety and injustice."]

[Footnote 40: {sunagoreuein}, L. and S. cf Thuc. vi. 6, "partisans,"

viii. 84, "pleaded the case of" (Jowett).]

[Footnote 41: Or, "laid the greatest stress of not being guilty of

impiety"; "attached the greatest importance to the fact that he was

never guilty of impiety."]

[Footnote 42: {upotimasthai}. See L. Dind. cf. Cic. "Orat." i. 54; the

technical word is {antitimasthai}. Cf. Plat. "Apol." 36 D; Diog. Laert.

ii. 41. These authorities tell a different story. Why should these

stories, if true, as no doubt they were, be omitted?]

[Footnote 43: Cf. Plat. "Crit." 44 B.]

[Footnote 46: Cf. "Mem." I. ii. 62.]

[Footnote 47: See Plat. "Rep." iii. 413 A.]

[Footnote 48: Cf. "Mem." IV. viii. 9, 10; ib. IV. ii. 3. See Plat.

"Rep." v. 476 D, {exomen ti paramutheisthai auton}; and "Hunting," i.

11. The story of Palamedes is told by Ovid, "Met." xiii. 5.]

[Footnote 49: Cf. Plat. "Apol." 25 D, {poteron eme eisageis deuro os

diaphtheironta tous neous kai poneroterous poiounta ekonta e akonta}.]

[Footnote 50: {omologoumenos}. For the use of the word L. Dind. cf.

Diog. Laert. vii. 87, {dioper protos o Zenon en to peri anthropou

phuseos telos eipe to omologoumenos te phusei zen} (Cicero's "naturae

convenienter vivere," L. and S.), whereas the regular Attic use is

different. Cf. "Oec." i. 11, {kai omologoumenos ge o logos emin khorei}

= "consentanea ratione." "Our argument runs on all-fours." Plat. "Symp."

186 B, {to nasoun omologoumenos eteron te kai anomoion esti}, "ut inter

omnes convenit."]

[Footnote 51: "Why precisely now?"]

[Footnote 52: Cf. "Mem." III. xi. 17; Plut. "Cato min." 46 (Clough, iv.

417). See Cobet, "Pros. Xen." s.n.; cf. Plat. "Symp." 173; "Phaed." 54

A, 117 D; Aelian, "V. H." i. 16; Heges. "Delph." ap. Athen. xi. 507.]

[Footnote 53: Diog. Laert. ii. 5. 35, ascribes the remark to Xanthippe,

and so Val. Max. 7. 2, Ext. 1.]

[Footnote 54: See Plat. "Phaed." 89 B, where a similar action is

attributed to Socrates in the case of Phaedo (his beloved disciple). "He

stroked my head and pressed the hair upon my neck--he had a way of

playing with my air; and then he said: 'To-morrow, Phaedo, I suppose

that these fair locks of yours will be severed.'"]

[Footnote 55: Son of Anthemion. See Plat. "Men." 90 B, {airountai goun

auton epi tas megistas arkhas}, Plut. "Alc." 4; id. "Coriol." 14;

Aristot. "Ath. Pol." 27, 25, re {to dekazein}; 34, 23. A moderate

oligarch; cf. Xen. "Hell." II. iii. 42, 44; Schol. Cod. Clarkiani ad

Plat. "Apol." 18 B ap. L. Dind. ad loc.; cf. Diod. xiii. 64.]

[Footnote 56: Cf. Plat. "Apol." 23 E.]

[Footnote 57: e.g. Patroclus dying predicts the death of Hector who had

slain him, "Il." xvi. 851 foll.; and Hector that of Achilles, "Il."

xxii. 358 foll. Cf. Cic. "de Div." 1, 30. Plato, "Apol." 39 C, making

Socrates thus address his judges: {to de de meta touto epithumo umin

khresmodesai, o katapsephisamenoi mou' kai gar eimi ede entautha, en o

malist' anthropoi khresmodousin, otan mellosin apothaneisthai}. "And

now, O men who have condemned me, I would fain prophesy to you, for I am

about to die, and that is the hour at which all men are gifted with

prophetic power" (Jowett).]

[Footnote 58: Lit. "dear to the gods"; "highly favoured."]

[Footnote 59: Cf. Hom. "Od." xii. 341, {pantes men stugeroi thanatoi

deiloisi brotoisin}.]

[Footnote 60: {prosantes}, i.e. "he faced death boldly as he had

encountered life's blessings blandly." "As he had been no stoic to

repudiate life's blessings, so he was no coward to," etc.]

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